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LIFE AND LETTERS 

OP 

JONATHAN SMITH FINDLAY 

»* 

BY 

ELLEN DUVALL i f 




> 5 * 
> * 

9 D J 





















Copyrighted, 1923. 
JAMES W. FINDLAY. 



FEB 20 1923 4 


©C1A60C447 



"'•'vs r ) f r 




Chapter I. 

Antecedents and Early Surroundings. 

Like History itself, the beginnings of every Family 
are traditional and legendary. These legends are not 
necessarily untrue, and they are always interesting and 
suggestive; but in the absence of documentary proof, 
hearsay and say-so can only be set down for what they 
are really worth—mere indications of probability. 

From credible tradition, then, has been drawn the 
following. At the famous siege and defence of London¬ 
derry in 1688, there was a certain Adjutant Brown of 
whom nothing more is now known than his last name. 
Later, in the latter years of the seventeenth, or early years 
of the eighteenth century Adjutant Brown emigrated to 
this country with a young daughter Elizabeth. She mar¬ 
ried (in what year is unknown), Samuel Findlay I, like 
herself of Scotch-Irish extraction, and they lived in or 
near Philadelphia. One of the sons of Samuel and Eliza¬ 
beth Brown Findlav was Samuel Findlav II. who was 

t/ 

born in 1734. This Samuel was the father of eight sons, six 
of whom lived to manhood, and the sixth of these was 
Jonathan Smith Findlay. I say “one of the sons” of 
Samuel Findlay I. advisedly; for on the Ledger of Samuel 
Findlay II. there is one Andrew Findlay recorded, and 
there are also sundry items recorded for “Sister”—name 
not given—who may have been Samuel’s own sister, or a 
sister-in-law. Samuel II himself did not go beyond his 
maternal Grandfather, this Adjutant Brown; and what¬ 
ever family records Samuel II. may have had, they were 
burned in the destruction of his house by fire within a 
month of the birth of the eighth and last son, Nathan. 

Like many of the Scotch-Irish the Findlay family 
came first to Philadelphia; but the history of the Scolch- 
Irish emigration to this country has been generally west¬ 
ward with the course of empire, and it is interesting to 


Page 3 


note how many of the Scotch-Irish, settling first in the 
Province of Pennsylvania, were rather birds of passage 
than permanent residents. 

Of the early youth of Samuel Findlay II. there is no 
record, but as a young man under thirty, he made his way 
westward towards Fort Duquesne, afterwards Pittsburg, 
then a great trading-post, and a sort of Eldorado to en¬ 
terprising young men. But young Findlay got not father 
than Cumberland County and the West Conococheague 
Settlement, later, Mercersburg. When Samuel Find¬ 
lay reached that part of Cumberland, now Franklin Coun¬ 
ty, he found a busy, thriving, and growing community. 
The original settler in these parts was one James Black 
who, according to tradition “purchased the land on which 
Mercersburg stands from the Indians for a gun and a 
string of beads”. It was a bona fide purchase, how¬ 
ever, satisfactory to both parties, and secured the friend¬ 
ship of the Indians, “without which the Proprietors 
of the Province were never wiling that settlements should 
be made”. For one of Penn’s earliest injunctions had 
been,—“Be tender of the Indians, and let them know that 
you have come to sit down lovingly among them.” Be it 
said in passing that Charles Findlay, the eldest son of 
Jonathan, was always a true friend of the Indians, was 
always ready to aid them in every possible way, and as a 
token of friendship and esteem, was adopted into one of 
their tribes. 

The legal grant of land to James Black dated back to 
1738, and the settlement was at first called “Black’s 
Town”: but in 1759 the) land was purchased from Black 
by one 'Squire’ Smith, and was then named “Smith’s 
Town”. This Squire Smith was Jonathan Findlay’s 
maternal grandfather. 

“William Smith, the Proprietor of 'Smith’s Town’, 
wars the son of James and Janet Smith. He married his 
cousin, Mary, a sister of Colonel James Smith”— ‘In¬ 
dian Jimmie’—of Black Boy fame. In 1755 William 
Smith was appointed one of the Commissioners to build 
the military road which General Braddock had demanded 
of the Provincial Government. Under the personal su¬ 
pervision of the Commissioners the bridlepath was con- 

Page 4 


verted into a wagon road for the passage of troops and the 
transportation of military supplies; but the work was 
done under constant danger from the Indians. With Wil¬ 
liam Smith and his road-cutters was his young brother-in- 
law, James Smith, who was captured by the Indians. 
“Both William and James Smith were typical pioneers, 
and played an active part in the early history of the 
Province”. When Black’s property passed into the hands 
of Smith, Smith was the most prominent man on the 
frontier. “Smith’s Town,” so near the gap through which 
the Indian Trail led from the valley into the mountain, 
soon had an extensive trade with the Western frontier 
that grew in importance. It was not an uncommon sight 
to see from fifty to one hundred pack horses in line laden 
wiih salt, iron, merchandise of all kinds destined for the 
settlers, or the Indians beyond the mountains. To pro¬ 
tect the frontier it was found necessary to control the 
trade with the Indians by a military-like inspection, and 
William Smith was one of these Inspectors by virtue of 
his office as “Colonial Justice”; hence his title of ‘Squire’ 
Smith. The following are copies of two of his Passes, or 
Permits, (taken from the Penn. Archives First Series, 

pp 220). 

“Cumberland County, 

By William Smith, Esq., one of his Majesty’s 
Justices of the Peace:— 

Permit the Bearer, Thomas McCammis, to pass Fort 
Bedford with nine Kegs of Rum, eight Kegs of Wine, 
one Keg of Spirits, one Keg of Molasses, three Kegs of 
Brown Sugar, four Kegs packed with Loaf Sugar, coffee 
and Chocolate, in all twenty-six Kegs and one Bag of 
Shoes provided always that this Permit shall not extend 
to Carrying any Warlike Stores or any article not herein 
mentioned. 

Given under my Hand & Seal 
15th May 1765. 

Wm. Smith. 

To make assurance double sure, Captain James Smith, 
Leader of the Black Boys, gave this additional authority: 

“As the Sideling Hill Volunteers have already in¬ 
spected these goods and as they are all private property, 

Page 5 


it is Expected that none of these brave fellows will molest 
them upon the Roafd, as there is no Indian Supplies 
among them. 

Given under my Hand May loth 1765. 

James Smith”. 

Another Permit reads— 

“Cumberland County, 

Permit the Bearers, Alex’r McKinney and Lachlan 
Mckinnon to pass to and from Antietam, they behaving 
themselves Soberly and inoffensively as becomes loyal 
Subjects, they beiug Soldiers Carrying a letter to Daniel 
Mccoy and, as they say, is going to purchase two Cows. 

Given under my Hand this 29th May 1765. 

William Smith”. 

But the smuggling of Indian supplies eventually 
became so great that it led to a “conflict between the 
civil and military authorities, which involved the magis¬ 
trates of the township, the Governor of the Province, and 
the Commander of the British forces in America”. And 
in consequence of this conflict, William Smith lost his 
office as magistrate of Cumberland. 

Colonel James Smith, or ‘Indian Jimmie’, with his 
famous Black Boys or Rangers, was a redoubtable char¬ 
acter, and was as conspicuous in one way as was his 
brother-in-law, Squire Smith, in another. James was 
only eighteen when he joined William Smith in the road¬ 
cutting campaign. On one occasion, James, with another 
man, Arnold Vigoras, was sent back to “hurry up some 
provision wagons that were on the way”. The two 
accordingly proceeded down the road as far as the fords 
of the Juniata, where, “finding that the wagon were 
coming,” they retraced their steps towards the Alleghany 
mountain. Here the two men were ambushed bv Indians, 
Vigoras was killed, and James Smith was captured. The 
Indians took their young captive to Fort Duquesne, where 
he was forced to run the gauntlet, and was beaten into in¬ 
sensibility. He must have showed pluck and endurance, 
however, for his captors adopted him into the Caughne- 
wago Nation. Four years later he escaped to the French 
at Montreal, “who exchanged him with other English pris- 


Pa^e 6 


oners.” After an absence of five years he returned home 
to Conococheague. where his family had never been able 
to learn whether he was alive or dead. James says that 
his relatives, “received me with great joy, but were sur¬ 
prised to see me so much like an Indian, both in my gait 
and gesture.” Family tradition has it that Indian Jimmie 
was not recognized until he had sung a little song which 
he had taught to a younger sister years before, and she 
was the first to remember it and him. 

In “Loudon's Border Xarratives”, a rare book now 
out of print. Captain James Smith gives a most interesting 
account of his capture by the Indians, of his experiences 
during his enforced sojourn among them, and also of 
Indian customs and beliefs. The Caughnewagos seem to 
have been affiliated with the Ottawas and Delawares. 

Later, in 1763, James Smith was chosen Captain of 
a band of volunteers, riflemen, organized to defend the 
frontier, and to intercept and destroy contraband Indian 
supplies. These riflemen were the “Sideling Hill Volun¬ 
teers” referred to in the Permit. Smith says:— 

“As we enlisted our men. we dressed them uniformly 
in the Indian manner, with breech-clouts, leggings, moc¬ 
assins. and green shrouds, which we wore in the same 
manner that the Indians do. In place of hats we wore 
red handkerchiefs, and painted our faces red and black” 
—hence the sobriquet. Black Boys—“like Indian War¬ 
riors. I taught them the Indian discipline. We succeeded 
beyond expectation in defending the frontier, and were 
extolled by our employer's. Near the close of this expedi¬ 
tion I accepted of an Ensign's Commission in the regular 
service, under King George, in what was then called the 
Pennsvlvania Line.” 

Captain James Smith had many battles with the 
Indians, and though he and his Volunteers so success¬ 
fully defended the frontier, they and his Majesty's troops 
ultimatelv clashed. Blood flowed on both sides and 
much ill feeling was engendered. Captain Jimmie frankly 
admits that. “Both parties soon got entirely out of the 
channel of the civil law. and many unjustifiable things 
were done by both.''’ 


Page 7 



Later, in 1769, James Smith moved to Westmoreland 
County. “He was a member of the Penn. Convention 
of 1776, and of the General Assembly of 1776-77. While 
in the Assembly he organized a scouting-party and went 
in aid of General Washington’s army in the Jerseys. 
After the Revolution he settled in Kentucky, where he 
served as a Member of the Legislature.” So much for the 
“red blood” that flowed on both sides in the Findlays’ 
veins. They ought to have been forceful men, for truly, 
as the homely country saying is, “There is more in the 
breed than there is in the pasture.” Of much energy and 
decision of character, William Smith, Jonathan’s maternal 
grandfather, successfully pursued various callings which, 
in those pioneer times showed how versatile a man had to 
be. Besides being a magistrate, William Smith “also con¬ 
ducted a mill, a store, a tavern, and a tan-yard.” His 
older children were evidently daughters, and one of these, 
Jane, or “Jean,” as she is called in her father’s Will, 
became in 1765 the wife of Samuel Findlay II. 

“On the south side of Smith’s Run, on the lot belong¬ 
ing to James McAfee, stood until about 1880 a log, rough 
cast house which is known to have been a tavern at a very 
early time. There has long been an impression that this 
house was the birth place of Governor Findlay and his 
distinguished brothers, who were born, John in 1766, 
William in 1768, James in 1770.” A Mercersburg Journal 
of 1860 says, “The house in which Governor Findlay was 
born is still standing in the west of the town.” William 
Smith’s Will (1774), states that his son-in-law, Samuel 
Findlay dwells on the tenement of land which he be¬ 
queathes to his son, William Smith.” (Jr.) “Now this 
son-in-law, Samuel Findlay, was the father of Governor 
Findlay, and the tenement of land was this tract on which 
William Smith, Jr, (a minor at the time of his father’s 
death, and a brother-in-law of Samuel Findlay),” laid out 
the town of Mercersburg. So this is the only house which 
satifies at the same time the impressions of old inhabi¬ 
tants, the claims of the Journal, and the terms of the Will. 
On the other hand, the descendants of the present day are 
inclined to accept what is known as the Findlay Home- 


Page 8 


stead as the birth-place of their ancestor. This is a farm 
near Churchill, where Samuel Findlay lived later and 
where he died, now called the Findlay Stock Farm. The 
Will of William Smith, Sr., which supports the claim of 
the town, has but recently been found in the Records of 
Cumberland County. Its existence was unknown to those 
who claim the Farm as the birth-place. The Records of 
Franklin County show that Samuel Findlay did not pur¬ 
chase this farm till 1785. [All his children were born be¬ 
fore this date, and his wife died in 1783.] In addition 
there is in existence a Ledger of Samuel Findlay which 
shows that he was much more of a storekeeper than a 
farmer in those days. This Ledger is for the years 1774— 
75—76, with accounts carried over from 1768. His trade 
was extensive. Settlers from Welch Run to Fort Littleton 
came here to barter and purchase. This Ledger is also of 
great interest in that it gives the names of the settlers and 
the prices of commodities. From the same source it is 
learned that Samuel Findlay was a banker and a tanner. 
He gave lodgings and meals to both man and beast; and 
also sold ‘toddy’ ‘slings’, and ‘sangarees’, taking in pay¬ 
ment ‘doubloons’, ‘cut money’, ‘Johannes’, and ‘joes’. It is 
known that this rough cast house was a tavern at an 
early time. That it was the tavern or inn during Squire 
Smith’s time is not beyond credence; it was conveniently 
located for the travel of that day, being on the road 
which grew out of the Warm Spring Trail of the Indians. 
This property was held by the heirs of William Smith for 
some years, and was by them rented to various persons. 
From an old advertisement it is learned that this tavern 
bore [at one time] the name of Washington Inn (Old 
Mercerburg, p. 36.) 

Whatever the family tradition there can be little rea¬ 
sonable doubt that Samuel and Jane Smith Findlay began 
their married life in this old historic house belonging 
to the bride’s father—a settler’s house “of log rough cast” 
(or rubber-coated), and that the three older sons were 
born there. The Findlays were certainly living there at 
the time of William Smith’s death in 1775, for he so ex¬ 
pressly states in his Will. But later they must have 


Page 9 



moved to some other house, (possibly the moving was 
caused by William Smith’s death), for family tradition 
declares that this house was burned within a month of the 
birth of the eighth and youngest son, Nathan, and that 
excitement and exposure caused the death of the wife and 
mother at the early age of thirty-four. In the burning of 
this house nearly everything was destroyed, and among 
them the Family Bible which contained much valuable 
information, the loss of which has been irreparable. In a 
sketch of Governor William Findlay (Governor of Penn, 
from 1818 to 1820 Senator from December 1821 to March 
1827), by the Rev. Alfred Nevin, the writer says: 

“It was the intention of his parents to have given 
him (William) a collegiate education, in preparation for 
one of the learned professions which, had he been allowed 
his choice, would have been that of the law. A fire, which 
consumed his father’s store and dwelling, caused so severe 
a pecuniary loss that this cherished purpose had to be 
abandoned. His instruction therefore was onlv such as 
could be obtained from the schools in the neighborhood”. 

This statement confirms the tradition of the fire, and 
also points to a dwelling-place other than either the 
Findlay Farm or the historic “rough cast house”, in 
which the family lived at first. Of Jane Smith Findlay 
this same writer says,— 

‘Had that young mother been spared to look on them 
(her sons) in their manhood, she might have regarded 
them Avith the complacency of Cornelia' herself. Her fine 
understanding, her piety, her maternal tenderness and 
affection, were themes on which those of her children who 
were old enough when she died to knoAV and appreciate 
her virtues, fondly loved to dwell.” 

Unquestionably the death of Jane Findlay was a 
terrible loss. The eldest son, John, was seventeen, the 
youngest was but three weeks. With such a family to 
consider, Samuel Findlay would have been utterly at a 
loss but for the ready help and care given by his* Avife’s 
sister, later the wife of Colonel Robert Parker. She as¬ 
sumed charge of the family, and mothered the three 
younger boys, Jonathan aged five, Thoma-s aged three, and 

Page 10 


Nathan the baby. She is the “Aunt Parker” of family 
affection and tradition, and is mentioned in the early 
letters of Jonathan to his brother Thomas. The three 
elder sons could of course clearly remember their mother, 
a gentle, loving, Christian woman; but to the three 
younger boys she could only be known through hearsay, 
and was not much more than a dream. Jane Findlay was 
a woman who left a lasting imprint on her husband’s 
heart, for unlike most of the men of those days, Samuel 
Findlay never remarried. The boys were lovingly brought 
up by “Aunt Parker,” either at her own beautiful home in 
the town, or at the recently purchased Findlay Farm. At 
the time of Jane Findlay’s death, “Aunt Parker” was cer¬ 
tainly unmarried. Colonel Robert Parker served with dis¬ 
tinction in the Revolutionary War, and was appointed 
Collector of Excise for Franklin County, lately carved out 
of Cumberland in 1787. Whereupon he settled in Mercers- 
burg, and “married a daughter of Squire Smith.” So runs 
the record. 

In connection with the interesting fact that so many 
men among the pioneers were able to carry on at once 
and successfully various callings, we in our highly special¬ 
ized times forget that in those early days a man had to 
be his own Everything. As was said of Bishop Berkeley, 
from Trinity to Tar water he had to know something 
theoretically; and from the handling of a gun to the treat¬ 
ment of a tertian fever, he had to know something practic¬ 
ally. Self-confidence and a readiness to help others were 
the prime requisites of successful pioneer life. Literally, 
in those days no man could live to himself or die to him¬ 
self. Without, on the actual frontier, not far away, still 
hovered the Indian Warrior, made a bitter foe by unjust 
dealings; while within the pale of the settlements were many 
of the dangers and privations of a hard, primitive living. 
Sturdy men all were these, true Empire-Builders, living in 
those “log houses rough cast,” meeting manfully a strenu¬ 
ous present, and all unconsciously laying the foundations of 
a wondrous future. Germany, in goading the United States 
into the War, might have bethought herself how much of 
the old Pioneer spirit must still live in American hearts 


Page 11 


and minds. In those early days a man must provide for 
his family, and in so doing he must also provide a sur¬ 
plusage for others, for when might he not be called upon 
to exercise the noble rite of hospitality. Hospitality was 
the first law of the community, and was expected from 
each and all. Consequently along the roads and trails 
“nearly every tenth house was a tavern/’ with its appro¬ 
priate quaint sign or devise, and they all afforded greater 
or less accommodation for man and beast. The evolution 
of the road, from the Indian trail to the modern railway, 
is a phase of civilization in itself. So far as possible an 
Indian Trail combined the shortest distance between two 
points, with the least fatigue in traversing it. The Pio¬ 
neers always used the Indian Trails, widened them, and 
then covered the distances with Pack-horses, two hundred 
pounds to the horse. Next, the pack-road was converted 
into a turnpike, and the Conestoga wagon came into use. 
Like the submarine and the airplane, this wagon, too, was 
an American invention, “with its curved bottom,” the bet¬ 
ter to prevent any shifting of freight in the ascent and 
descent of mountains and hills. “The body of the wagon 
was invariably bright blue, with sideboards of a vivid red. 
Four to seven horses were used to these wagons, accord¬ 
ing to the load; and from twenty to one hundred teams 
would follow in close order.” A train of Conestoga 
wagons therefore traveling through the country, must have 
been an interesting and picturesque sight. 

The building of a turnpike in those days was a great 
undertaking, and marked the growth and trading capacity 
of a community. It was for this purpose that William 
Smith was, in 1765, appointed Commissioner. 

Generally speaking, the Scotch-Irish pioneers seem 
to have had but little of this world’s goods, and sought in 
the New World to better their fortunes; but they brought 
with them four ineffable spiritual possessions:—the fear 
of God: the love of liberty; boundless courage; and the 
respect for learning. It is the glory of the Puritan that 
he built a Church and a Schoolhouse side by side. The 
Scotch-Irish did no less. They were stanch Presbyterians; 
they built them churches, and they procured unto them- 


Pagre 12 


selves Schoolmasters. The interesting Ledger of Samuel 
Findlay shows that in 1774 three men are specifically so 
listed. Namely “David Moore (schoolmaster); Dugal 
Campbell (schoolmaster) ; Thomas Stephenson (school¬ 
master). And to these may be added the Eev. John King, 
whose name and fame as teacher and pastor have been 
warmly recorded. The earliest Church which the pioneers 
had established in the West Conococheague Settlement 
was in 1738, but owing to the Indian troubles, the congre¬ 
gation had for a time to be disbanded. The brief account 
of this Church is very interesting. 

“When the first settlers organized their Church in 
1738, Churchill was chosen as the most central point in 
the territory it embraced. Early in its history this 
church became a place of protection. Built of logs, it 
was enclosed by a stockade of logs which were seventeen 
feet long, pointed at the end, and set in a ditch four or 
five feet deep. The stockade was provided with loopholes, 
and on the inside was a platform raised a few feet from 
the ground, on which the defenders stood. This was 
known as Steele’s Meeting-House, and Steele’s Fort, from 
the Pastor’s name, the Kev. John Steele who became the 
Pastor in the troublous times of 1754. In those perilous 
days both shepherd and flock carried their arms with them 
to this place of worship. Steele more than once led his 
people forth in pursuit of the Indians; indeed, one of the 
first companies organized on the bloody outbreak of the 
Delawares in 1755, selected Steele for its Captain. He 
W’as called the Reverend Captain. In a Government ac¬ 
count, the following is found:—‘Nov. 25th. 1755 the Rev 
John Steele at Conocochig; 2 quarter casks of powder; 
2 cwt. of lead’.” In those days the church was literally 
the Church Militant. 

If they taught as well as they fought, those reverend 
gentlemen were good teachers indeed. At all events, for 
that day and generation, the Findlay brothers were well 
instructed. A classical education they probably had 
and they were well drilled in all the English branches, 
especially in the use of their mother tongue, for “good 
English” was as much a shibboleth with those canny 


Page 13 


Scotch schoolmasters as it is at Harvard today. The 
Dominie has always been honored by the Scotch, and the 
Rev. John King to whom the Findlay boys were sent, had 
high repute as a teacher. A grand daughter of Jonathan 
Findlay told me that her father had spoken of the care his 
father always had with regard to his children’s speech. On 
the frontier, with different kinds of people settling all 
about them, such care was very necessary. 


Page 14 


Chapter II. 

The Six Sons: Their Home and Early Youth. 

The eight sons of Samuel and Jane Smith Findlay 
were as follows: 

John Findlay, born March 31st, 1766; died at Cham- 
bersburg, Penn., Nov. 5th, 1838. 

William Findlay, born June 20th, 1768: died at Har¬ 
risburg, Nov. 15th, 1846. 

James Findlay, born Oct. 12th, 1770: died at Cincin¬ 
nati, Dec. 20th, 1835. 

Samuel Findlay, born June 17th, 1773: died in the 
course of a few months. 

Robert Findlay, born.1775; died when two 

years old. 

Jonathan Smith Findlay, born June 15th, 1778: died 
at Lexington, Missouri, Sept. 25th, 1832. 

Thomas Findlay, born Dec. 15th, 1780: died at Cin¬ 
cinnati, Sept. 17th, 1852. 

Nathan Culbertson Findlay, born May 17th, 1783: 
died at Springfield, Ohio, Dec. 12th, 1838. 

Robert Smith, a maternal uncle of the Findlay broth¬ 
ers, was also born in 1766, and was just the age of the 
eldest Findlay, John. Robert Smith seems to have been 
the constant companion of his nephews, and he, and two 
of them, William and James, married three sisters named 
Irwin; so that Robert became the brother-in-law of his 
own nephews. 

The early education of the six Findlays might well be 
summed up in a paraphrase of that of the early Persians, 
— they were taught to ride, to shoot with the gun, and 
to speak the truth. The eldest, John, had been born only 
five years later than the serious Indian troubles of 1761, 
when many of the settlers had fled to McDowell’s Mill or 
Fort for protection. Here, the supplies being low, Mrs. 
Cunningham, the sister of the Rev. John King, and a 


Page 15 



woman of resolute character, “laid it upon herself as a 
duty to return to her own home, it being close by, to 
bring milk for the children.” But an Indian, “lurking 
nearby, suffered her to milk the cows and return to the 
foot of the hill near the Fort—when he shot her in the 
back, killing her almost in sight of the fort.” 

Blood-curdling and thrilling tales must have had their 
effect upon the minds and imaginations of the young Find- 
lays : for had not their own great-uncle been for five years 
a captive to the Indians? But we so soon learn to take 
things for granted that it is difficult, even across the 
brief span of one hundred and fifty years, to reconstruct 
mentally our early Colonial history. Since then so much 
has happened, so wonderful a material development has 
taken place, that we half doubt those first primitive con¬ 
ditions. John, the eldest Findlay, was ten years older 
than the Declaration of Independence, while Nathan, the 
youngest, was seven years younger. James, the third son, 
evidently named in honor of his maternal great-uncle, 
“Indian Jimmie” who, five years mourned as dead or mis¬ 
sing, had so unexpectedly returned to Conococheague in 
1770, looking so remarkably “like an Indian both in gait 
and gesture.” 

Growing discontent with the mother country, chiefly 
because of “taxation without representation,” with an 
ever-deepening sense of self-reliance and the desire and 
determination to conduct unhampered home affairs,—was 
the political yeast of general Colonial thinking. A Ger¬ 
man king was soon to lose for England her finest Colonies, 
yet by that loss England was to learn a great political 
lesson, namely, how to hold successfully all her others. In 
John Bright’s telling phrase, “An august mother of free 
nations” she was to become. So, in those early days there 
was the ever-present danger of the Indians whose some¬ 
time friendliness had been changed to bitter animosity by 
the greed, trickery, and injustice of the Whites. The 
Findlay boys must fairly have been brought up on wars 
and rumors of wars, and, like we of today, they lived in 
the midst of most important history-in-the-making. Their 
father, Samuel Findlay, was between forty and fifty years 


Page 16 


old when the Revolutionary War broke out, and early 
in 1778 he was appointed and served as Quartermaster 
in the Sixth Penn. Line. This regiment was commanded 
by Col. William Irvine; and Abram Smith, Jane Smith 
Findlay’s maternal uncle, was its Captain. It would seem 
that public affairs were much in the family in those days, 
for ten months previously a certain John Findlay, pre¬ 
sumably Samuel’s brother, had also been commissioned 
as Quartermaster. Later, Samuel was Quartermaster of 
the Fourth Battalion, Cumberland County Militia. How 
long Samuel Findlay served in this capacity is not re¬ 
corded, but his appointment as Quartermaster bears out 
the inferences furnished by his Ledger, that he was “more 
storekeeper than farmer,” as the account says. Probably 
his knowledge and skill in economic matters made him 
distinctly eligible for this important post. 

The general life then of such a community may readily 
be perceived. Negro labor, both slave and free, relieved 
men and women alike from actual drudgery and, on the 
whole, made life less arduous for all concerned. One of 
those Passes or Permits given by William Smith in 1765 
is quite significant. While the quantity of Rum and 
Wine in those twenty-six Kegs seems out of all proportion 
to Sugar, to say nothing of Shoes,—still those frontiers¬ 
men and Indians were evidently accustomed to the luxury 
of Molasses, Brown Sugar, and Loaf or White, and also 
to the comfort of Shoes. Of course, on the breaking out 
of the Revolutionary War, all Overseas’ importations 
ceased, yet it was the wealthier Colonists who felt far 
more than the poorer ones this cutting off of the cus¬ 
tomary goods. But hand-looms and spinning-wheels were 
used on farms and plantations, and in dwellings from the 
first, and we may infer that the “Shoes” in that one lone 
“Bag” were of substantial hand-and-home manufacture, 
as indeed were many other commodities. An item of ex¬ 
pense, entered by George Washington in one of his Ac¬ 
count Books, is for the instruction of a “handy” slave in 
“cobbling.” I myself have an ample handkerchief and 
part of a towel made on hand-looms in the closing years 
of the eighteenth century, and have seen the remains of 


Page 17 


an old blanket that was also woven on one of these same 
looms: and admirable weaving it is, too. Towards the 
middle of the nineteenth century French imported kid 
slippers and shoes for women were—thanks to Free 
Trade—still very cheap, and shoes made in France were 
early brought to this country. 

The Ledger of Samuel Findlay is a mine of infor¬ 
mation concerning the needs and wants, the fancies and 
desires, of the community for which he so successfully 
purveyed. In April 1775, eleven “Gallons of West India 
Rum,” Jamaica Rum, cost two pounds, nine shillings, and 
six pence. One “Pair of Buckles for Samuel” the baby, 
cost one shilling and nine pence. A Testament cost two 
shillings and three pence; while two Bibles, with a knife 
at nine pence thrown in, came to eleven shillings and nine 
pence. A “Blind Cow got some time ago” is listed at 
three pounds. Captain Abram Smith is charged, “To a 
Ribbon given a Recruit,” one shilling and three pence. A 
“Woman’s Saddle and Bridle” costs seven pounds, seven¬ 
teen shillings and three pence, which argues that it must 
have been imported and very handsome. One “pint Rum 
pr. Sister for a Snake bite,” costs one shilling. One 
“Hatt for Billy”—the future Governor, then seven years 
old—cost six shillings,—said Hatt must have been of 
beaver; while “I Catechism” (possibly for the same 
urchin), is only three pence. One “Reading Made Easy” 
is one shilling, eight pence; two “Play Books” (could 
they have been something of Shakespeare’s?), are one shil¬ 
ling; and one “Exercise Book” is nine pence. “Samuel 
Findlay, Dr. to Rev. John King, I year’s Stipend,” is 
one pound and ten shillings; and “Expenses at Settling 
the “Township’s Books,” are only twelve shillings and six 
pence. The Salary of David Moore (one of the School¬ 
masters), “for attendance at Store,” is twenty-five pounds, 
quite a fair sum when we consider the purchasing power 
of money in those days. We also learn that in 1775 “1000 
Congras Dollars” were estimated to be worth three hun¬ 
dred and seventy-five pounds; that two half Johannes, 
or “half Joes,” were valued at six pounds; and that in 
March 1774, Samuel Findlay, “By a Piece of Gold called a 


Page 18 


Doubloon, marked on the sides, dated 1719, received from 
James McClellan for five pounds, five shillings and six 
pence,” which seems an excessive valuation. “To Cut 
Money”—presumably valued by weight, not minted,—is 
assigned the value in 1775 of “three pounds, fifteen shil¬ 
lings.” The word “hard” as applied to coins in contra¬ 
distinction to paper money, was already in common use, 
for in 1781 is an entry,—“By Cash, G hard Dollars,” 
valued at two pounds, five shillings, which made the value 
of one “Hard Dollar” equal in those days to seven shil¬ 
lings and six pence. The Johannes or Joes were Portu- 
gueeze coins, while the Doubloon, famous along the 
Spanish Main, was of course Spanish. 

Of material for household purposes, and for all sorts 
and degrees of wearing apparel there seem to have been 
no lack, since, “Thy habit costly as thy purse can buy,” 
is something ingrained in human nature. Velvet, velveret, 
or “velveree”; plush and silk; “linnen, smooth and tow; 
Dimitty,” which is still with us, at least in name; “Tam¬ 
my,” or tamise or tamin, a thin highly glazed worsted 
or woolen fabric; “Persian,” a fine silk; “Sarsanett,” or 
sarsenet (of Saracen origin), a soft popular silk, much 
loved by the ladies, “a puce-colored sarsenet,” is a phrase 
that still lingers in the writer’s memory; plenty of “Hol¬ 
land”; “Green Orrice,” or orris, meaning gimp and gal¬ 
loon; “Shaloon” or shalloon, (so named for Challons-sur- 
Marne in France—how a name may link the past and 
present), a loose woven woolen goods for women; “Osna- 
brigs” or osnaburg, so called from Osnaburg, Germany, 
where first manufactured, and probably brought in by the 
increasing number of German immigrants; “Sagathy” or 
sayette, a light-weight material of either silk—or wool and 
cotton; “Dowlass” or dowlas, or sail-cloth, traditionally 
first made at Doullens, France, but extensively manu¬ 
factured in both England and Scotland in the Eighteenth 
century; “Mather”—does the good man mean perchance 
matelassee?; “Soal and Upper Leathers”; “Durante” or 
durance, buff-leather or an imitation of it,—it wore like 
iron, hence the name; “Brazeel,” possibly Brussels Carpet, 
and “Milton” (both just beginning to be introduced?) ; 


Page 19 


“Flowered Mode” or flowered silk, probably brocade, 
“Bengal ,” a silk and hair material, also a muslin imita¬ 
tion of it, for women’s dresses; “Jeanette,” something like 
our Jeans; “Stick of Hair”—whatever that may mean 
all these goods were then used by the people of the West 
Conococheague Settlement, afterwards Mercersburg. 

In this interesting Ledger are also sundry items for 
Samuel Findlay’s wife:— 

“To Linen, Silk Mts, Buttons per Wife,” one pound 
eight shillings. “I pr. Mockasins for Darling,” cost three 
shillings; and I fine Hatt & Trimmings for Dr” are two 
pounds, four shillings, which, considering the value of 
money at that time, made the “fine Hatt” almost as ex¬ 
pensive as the head-gear of today. Archibald Irwin is 
charged for a Silver Hilted Sword” eight pounds, or about 
forty dollars; and James Johnston, evidently preparing 
for war, is charged: 

“To Broadcloth, vs. Sundry Uniforms,” nine pounds, 
fourteen shillings, two pence 

“To a Regimental Hatt,” two pounds; 

“To Ribbon, for Cackead,” two shillings, five pence. 

“To I Rifle Gun to be paid in 2 months,” five 
pounds. 

“To Shott, Flints, Knifes, Toddy, etc.”—five shillings 
and two pence,—a very warlike outfit indeed. 

Samuel Findlay also accommodated friends and rela¬ 
tives in a moneyed way by either lending them cash, or 
by paying their bills, which were then transferred to his 
Ledger. Thus in 1774, beginning in August and running 
through two years, Captain James Smith, or “Indian 
Jimmie,” shows an account for, “Paper & Wax: 2 Quires 
of Paper (perhaps he began then his Narrative) ; “Binding 
and Buttons; Stirrup Irons, Sugar, etc., Cash answer’d 
Dr. Johnston; Cash pd. James Irwin,”—in all a neat sum 
of thirteen pounds, five shillings, nine pence. This bill is 
a fac-simile. Another bill, also a fac-simile, is one of 
Andrew Findlay, presumably a brother, for,— 

“To Hay, Oats, Brimstone Snuff,” etc., which with a 
balance from the year previous, came to seventeen shil¬ 
lings. 


Page 20 


Samuel Findlay was undoubtedly kind to kinsman 
and friend alike, and was in many ways a public bene¬ 
factor. 

Cross lights on human nature and social living are 
always deeply interesting, and two items in the Wills of 
the William Smiths, father and son, are quite suggestive 
and noteworthy. The Shakespeare critics have taken ex¬ 
ception to Shakespeare’s leaving his wife his “second best 
bed,” and have raised no little historic dust over what 
seems to them an odd bequest. But in those days a Bed 
meant something. Beds were hand-made, carved, ornate, 
and were as costly as they were heavy and solemn. They 
were not possessed by every one, and a bed, with the ap¬ 
purtenances thereof, was no unsubstantial mark of affec¬ 
tion and esteem. Why shouldn’t Shakespeare in 1616 
have left to Anne his “second best bed?” For so late as 
1774, William Smith, Sr., in his Will says: 

“I also will that my wife Mary shall have one bed and 
its furniture of her own choosing.” Also William Smith, 
Jr., his son, the Founder of Mercersburg, in his Will made 
in 1786, says: 

“Item 9th: It is my will that my wife aforesaid do 
furnish my Daughter before named when she comes to 
years of discretion with a good feather bed and furniture: 

By this Will, William Smith, Jr., had divided his 
property equally between his wife and only child, this 
daughter. So even in those days such was the importance 
attached to beds that he makes special provision that his 
daughter sha'l receive a suitable one. Customs, conven¬ 
tions, fashions, a*re all significant of our common human¬ 
ity and daily living. That old nursery rhyme of, “Margery 
Daw, who sold her bed, and slept in the straw,” shows 
the general respect paid in bygone years to that homeliest 
article of our everyday life—a bed. 

The Post Office was officially established in Mercers¬ 
burg in 1803, yet so late as 1843 the Western Mail went 
out only three times weekly, and was received three times. 
The old stage coaches carried letters, of course, as well as 
many other things, but earlier than this a letter was much 
a matter of chance, and it speaks well for human nature 
that comparatively so few miscarried. For the letter was 

Page 21 



written, and then waited till some traveler chanced along 
who was going in the letter’s direction, and to him it was 
entrusted. William Smith’s second Permit expressly 
states that McKinney and McKinnon are “Carrying a 
letter to Daniel McCoy.” The earliest extant letter of 
Jonathan to his brother Thomas, is dated January, 1799. 
It is endorsed on the back, “Win.”—last name doubtful.— 
“Waggoner,” showing the mode of conveyance. 

In all parts of our country the earliest houses built by 
the colonists or pioneers were of course of logs, sometimes 
“rough cast” or rubble-coated, though later these log 
houses were sometimes faced with brick. But early in 
the eighteenth century stone houses began to be built, 
many of which are still standing. These were built to 
last, with thick walls, wide fire-places and chimneys, and 
good sized rooms. William Smith, Sr., built himself such 
a house, “a one-story stone house, long, low, and roomy, 
with the gable end fronting the roadway.” This house 
still stands, and has been added to, and otherwise im¬ 
proved. “On one of the stones of the house can be dis¬ 
tinctly traced the initials of the original owner “W. S.“ 
Here Squire Smith lived and died, and here most of his 
children, certainly the younger ones,—were born. The 
house built by Samuel Findlay on his farm is a typical 
old stone house such as may be seen in that part of the 
country today. It is a double house, two storeys and an 
attic, the main hall running from front to back, with four 
rooms on the first floor. The front entrance has a small 
porch. The front doorways of these old houses are, as a 
rule, very beautiful, with fine wood-work, very handsomely 
carved. 

The immigration of the Scotch-Irish to this country, 
(he part they played in its settlement, in its material and 
mental development, and in the shaping of its political 
destiny, would be whole histories in themselves. Those 
immigrants that, drifting across the country from Wil¬ 
mington to Philadelphia, settled in West Conococheague 
were of the best class and character. They drew their 
first pastors and teachers from Ireland or Scotland, as 
is shown by the Warrior-Pastor, the Rev. John Steele. 
The second Pastor, the Rev. John King, was American 

Page 22 


born, in or near Philadelphia, in 1740. As a very young 
man he came first to the Conococheague Settlement as a 
teacher, and lived with his married sister, the Mrs. Cun¬ 
ningham, who was killed by an Indian in 17G1. After 
this he returned for a time to his home in Lancaster 
County. Deciding to enter the ministry, and make that 
his life work, he went to the College of Philadelphia, was 
graduated in 1767, and then studied Divinity. He returned 
to the Settlement on a visit, and being already beloved, 
was installed as Pastor of the Upper West Conococheague 
Church in 1769. His ministry lasted for forty-two years, 
and he was a tower of strength in the community, guide, 
philosopher, and friend, as well as pastor and teacher. As 
discontent with the mother country deepened, the Rev. 
John King's preaching became bolder and bolder in de¬ 
fence of liberty. For as Bancroft, the historian, says: 

“The first public voice in America for dissolving all 
connection with Great Britain, came not from the Puritan 
of New England, the Dutch of New York, nor the planter 
of Virginia, but from the Scotch-Irish Presbyterian.” 

During the Revolution the Rev. John King acted as 
Chaplain and went forth with his regiment. But though 
these Scotch-Irish were stanch Presbyterians, furnished 
forth with the Bible, the Shorter and the Longer Cate¬ 
chism, and the Confession of Faith—they were bvno means 
dour Christians,nor foes to innocent merrymaking. They all 
enjoyed the pleasant things of life. At first the community 
was largely homogeneous, affined in blood and feeling. 
Social gatherings, both in private houses, and in a certain 
Tavern built and kept by one Jacob Balm, were quite fre¬ 
quent. “This tavern was the centre of fashion in the early 
days. It was equipped with a ball room in which the people 
gathered to hold tlieir dances in the days of Dr. King. This 
ball room was in reality two rooms, separated by a very 
large door made in one piece and so constructed that it 
swung upward, where it hung suspended from a hook in 
the ceiling. Around the large room thus formed the old 
people were seated to watch the young dance, ‘Up the 
Middle and down again.’ Dr. King himself lent his 
presence on these occasions. This was before the Pres¬ 
bytery had taken its stand in opposition to dancing.” 

Page 23 


One other matter may be here noted. Both before 
and after our separation from Great Britain, the question 
of slavery, from a moral as well as from an economic 
standpoint, had begun to be agitated. Many of the Fram¬ 
ers of the Constitution, especially Jefferson, were opposed 
to it. In the New England and Middle States particularly, 
and in every community, there were those who favored 
and those who disapproved. The Quakers as a religious 
body were distinctly opposed on Christian grounds, and 
a member of their communion, Robert Barclay, in the 
latter half of the seven teeth century had preached the “in¬ 
iquity of chattel slavery.” Mercersburg, lying con¬ 
veniently near Maryland and Virginia, became ultimately 
a “station” on the “Underground Railroad,” or line of 
escape for runaway slaves. One of the old wagoners living 
in Mercersburg in comparatively later years was “Uncle 
Jim Ramsey and his wife Aunt Betsy.” Jim lived to be 
about the last of the old-time Waggoners who ‘waggoned’ 
from Baltimore to Pittsburgh. Many were the tales of his 
adventures on the road, and his marvelous skill in driving. 
It was a custom among the Waggoners when a team got 
in a rut and needed aid, that the teamster coming to its 
assistance was entitled to its bells. According to Jim’s 
account he captured bells on every trip, but never lost 
one; and the young folks who sat around him, listening 
in breathless silence, always wondered what had become 
of all his prizes. Jim had belonged to the Findlavs, and 
in his old age was supported by a descendant of this fam¬ 
ily—Mrs. Rice. Betsy had been a refugee slave in her 
youth, and lived in deadly terror of being captured all 
through the years of the Civil War.” 

Before the Revolution books seem to have been com¬ 
paratively plentiful and cheap; but afterwards paper was 
for some time very scarce, as well as very poor in quality. 
Books were therefore dear. In his “Reminiscences,” Mr. 
McKinstery says, “I had the alphabet pasted on a paddle, 
and had no trouble turning over leaves.” School books 
were especially scarce, and indeed there seems to have 
been a dearth of books for several years. As one account 
says, “Books were not in general use.” 


Page 24 


Chapter III. 

Early Manhood, Until Marriage. 


Of the actual early years of the six Findlay brothers 
there is, so far as is now known, no record. But the com¬ 
munity in which they were born and lived, their mode of 
life, schooling, and the influences that surrounded and 
moulded them,—all these, even after the lapse of more 
than a century, may be easily recovered. For they are 
part and parcel of the history of that time. The brothers 
may be divided into two sets, the three older, John, Wil¬ 
liam, and James; and the three younger, Jonathan, 
Thomas, and Nathan: for the disparity in years between 
the two sets was comparatively great. John, the eldest, 
was seventeen years older than Nathan, the youngest, 
and was twelve years older than our hero Jonathan. Thus 
the three elder were almost grown and “Out of the way,” 
as the phrase is, while the younger ones were still coming 
on. The three eldest seem to have been young men of 
much force of character and steadiness of purpose, James, 
born in 1770, married when about twenty-one or two, 
Jane Irwin, and in 1793 he and his young wife went out 
to Cincinnati. Here James Findlay with a certain James 
Smith,—probably a relative, as there were innumerable 
Smith cousins,—“established the first store.” James was 
to have a higly successful and very distinguished career. 
He was a “Member of the Legislative Council of the North¬ 
west Territory; was U. S. Marshal in 1801, and Mayor of 
Cincinnati in 1810-11. In the War of 1812-15, he was 
made Colonel of the Regiment of Ohio Volunteers, “which 
was the advance guard of General Hull’s army on the 
march from the Scioto River to the Maumee. On this 
march Col. Findlay began the erection of Fort Findlay, 
named in his honor, and from which the city of Findlay, 
Ohio, derives its name. For meritorious conduct in the 
War of 1812, Col. Findlay was afterwards promoted to 


Page 25 


the rank of Brigadier-General of the State Militia. He 
was a Member of Congress from Hamilton County from 
1825 to 1833, and in 1834 became a candidate for Gov¬ 
ernor, but was defeated by Robert Lucas. He died in 
1835, and was buried in Spring Grove Cemetery, Cincin¬ 
nati, Ohio.” 

Identified with the state of bis adoption, Col. Findlay 
served her well in many capacities. By a remarkable coin¬ 
cidence, the three elder Findlays all sat in Congress at 
the same time, William in the Senate, and John and 
James in the House. The only similar instance is that of 
the three Washburn brothers who also sat in Congress 
together. 

Nearly always in large families there are certain 
members that pair off, as it were, mutually attracted or 
affined, and the confidence and affection between them 
is correspondingly deep. This seems to have been the case 
with Jonathan and his next younger brother, Thomas. 
And we first make Jonathan’s acquaintance through his 
letters to this brother. More than eighty of these letters 
have escaped destruction, and most of them are unusually 
full and detailed. They cover a period of twenty-one years, 
from 1799 to 1820, and all are more or less interesting. 
Thomas, at the age of eighteen or nineteen, had come to 
Baltimore, and had gone into business as a Commission 
Merchant, first with a business house, and before long 
for himself. It is a pity that we have not Thomas’ letters 
to Jonathan, (of which there appears to have been many), 
for reading Jonathan’s letters only is much like hearing 
a one-sided talk over the telephone. Thomas seems to 
have been distinguished for that Common Sense which 
Chesterfield calls “the most uncommon sense of all.” 
And he had that steadiness of purpose which means half 
the winning of Life’s battle. He chose his calling and 
stuck to it, and never failed to lend a helping hand to the 
brother who was his direct opposite. For Jonathan Find¬ 
lay appears to have had every sense but common sense. 
Impulsive and visionary, he was apt to go off at a tan¬ 
gent. He was continually seeing Fortune just round the 
next corner,but he never reached that elusive spot. He knew 


Page 26 


all the pleasures of Hope, and they are many and deep, 
but he never grasped that concrete thing men call Worldly 
Success. If Fortune hath her favorites, so has a certain 
degree of Poverty, and Jonathan was one of them. Al¬ 
ways in financial straits, always struggling to make those 
inelastic ends meet, it was chiefly to his brother Thomas 
that he turned for the necessary aid that seems never to 
have been refused; and Jonathan’s appreciation and grati¬ 
tude were lasting and deep. Family tradition has it that 
Jonathan was perhaps the “brightest” of the six brothers, 
the one most “gifted,” for certainly his letters show an 
excellent mind, an unusually good education, and wide 
reading. But he had little business capacity, and no real 
aptitude for business affairs One of the learned profes¬ 
sions would have suited him far better than this perpetual 
struggle with “business’ in some one of its many forms. 
He seems born to unsuccess as the sparks fly upward. 
Yet is he very appealing, and his letters make a very 
“human document.” And his life was both varied and in¬ 
teresting. He never found the place where he really 
fitted in. Always sanguine, alwavs sure that the next 
venture would be the successful one, he never really lost 
heart or courage. If he tasted bitter disappointment, and 
at times sorely tried the sobersided and prudent Thomas, 
—Jonathan had that unfailing Hope which is part of High 
Romance, and is indeed the “Comfortress of Unsuccess” 
in all the vicissitudes of Life’s journey. 

From the first of the Letters, in 1799, we learn that 
he is still at home in Mercersburg, he is in doubt what to 
do, wither to turn, and he savs: 

“I am sorry that I did not apply for a Commission in 
the Army,—I will apply if the Army is augmented.” 

He also seems to have been considering journalism or 
printing, for at the close of this letter he rather irrele¬ 
vantly adds, “Newspaper or printers’ wit runs very high 
in Cliambersburg.” He signs a swaggering, official- look¬ 
ing, signature, and as a postscript says, “I have tried this 
mode of signing my name.” In short, when lacking six 
months of twentv-one Jonathan was still very much of a 
boy, with a boy’s variableness and easy-going forgetful- 


Page 27 


ness and irresponsibility. Thomas always had him on his 
mind and heart, and sometimes on his hands as well, and 
like Sir Oliver Surface with his nephews, he “never denied 
him good advice.’ 7 Six months later our young man has 
gone to Philadelphia on some commission business for 
Thomas—perhaps Thomas was giving him a trial,—but 
some one or some thing drew a red herring across Jona¬ 
than’s trail, and off he went at a tangent. So we find this 
letter, dated June 28th, 1799, from one James Davis who 
had evidently been instructed to make some inquiries. 

“Mr. Thomas Findlay. 

Dear Sir: 

I arrived here on Thursday last about six o’clock in 
the evening in good health; next morning I waited on 
Mesr. Beckham and Keese and G. & E. Thompson, in¬ 
quired for your Brother, they informed me he had gone 
out of town a few days ago. They daily expect him to 
return here, he is to purhase his Spring goods, he has not 
bought any yet, at present the Citizens of this place is 
very healthy, no simtoms of the yellow fevor as is reported 

in your place.no more only Kemain your Sincere 

friend and Wellwisher 

James Davis. 

James Davis, 

at Thomas Super, 

North Water Street No. 9 
Philadelphia.” 

Just two months later, August 29th, 1799, Jonathan 
writes from Mercersburg a very characteristic letter, one 
in which he returns the compliment of good advice with 
interest: 

“Dear Tom: 

I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 16th and 
20th respectively by Mr. Gaine. You mention in that of 
the 16th that as the finances of the family are low what 
would I think of coming to Baltimore a while. I had some 
time ago some tho’t of it, but I believe I will go down the 
river with James, where I may probably study law. I 

Page 28 



cannot tell whether your letter to Nathan has had any 
good effect or not as I have been in town ever since.... 
but I wish you would write him again. Brother William 
has not yet determined between going to Loyalhanna or 

joining you in trade if he can sell.You have before 

this heard of John’s success in the election. He wanted 
but 25 votes of being as high as both the others put to¬ 
gether. They make hard threats however, that they will 
turn him out next Spring, but there is very little danger. 
He had the same day a tine young son. l r ou were sanguine 
in your expectations that I would be able to purchase an 
interest in Harper’s office. My plan has proved abortive. 
When you speak of your gallantry it puts me in mind of 
a very great breach of duty of which you have been guilty 
and for which your friends all fault you,... .which is 
neglecting to have waited on Jane Vanlear. I was sur¬ 
prised when I heard it, and assure you she is not pleased 

with you for such (apparently) studyed neglect.I do 

not wish you to be a gallant on the one hand nor on the 
other do I wish you to neglect the duties of Friendship 
and good breeding . 

In that part of your letter which treats of politics, 
Aunt Parker thinks you speak very positively of Judge 
McKean’s character considering that you speak entirely 
of hearsay.Brother James has started to Philadel¬ 

phia, and will proceed down the river immediately on his 
return which will be in about three weeks. I wish you 
would come up before that time as it is probable I may 
not see you for a long time again, and Sister Jane par¬ 
ticularly requests that you would.If you mean to 

come this fall, you may as well come when you can see 
them all. Aunt Parker has her compliments to you. She 
is not pleased that you do not write her. 

I beg you will be assured of my profound respect and 
friendship. 

J. S. Findlay.” 

This letter is particularly interesting in that it men¬ 
tions all the six brothers and their Aunt Parker, their 
second mother. Just what “Dear Tom’s” neglect of Miss 
Vanlear had been, does not appear: but so much good 


Page 29 







advice, in sncli Johnsonese English, with so formal a 
signature, suggests that the oft-adviced Jonathan was not 
sorry to come back in kind to his friendly mentor. 

Three months later, Nov. 24th, 1799, Jonathan writes 
from Cincinnati, he having followed the trail of his brother 
James: 

“Dear Tom: 

I arrived at this place on Wednesday morning last, 
after a Liverpool passage of 25 days and had the pleasure 
of receiving a letter from you for which you will please 
accept my thanks. Cincinnati is not so handsome a place 
as I had imagined, the street which runs parallel with 
the river is level and pretty closely built, but there is a 
bad hill back and the country (is) irregular. I do not 
think it half so handsome as Pittsburgh, Marietta, or 
Point Pleasant —the latter is a little town standing on 
the point at the mouth of the Great Kanawa, which is a 
large river. 

I have partly concluded a bargain with Mr. Carpenter 
for an equal interest in his office. I will have money 
(enough) to pay for two years and four months. We 
have all the territorial printing, there is a great deal of 
it, and ’tis very lucrative. You may expect a paper from 
me next post which I will continue to send you regular. 
I abandoned the idea of Studying Law in consequence of 
a Law passed a few days since by the Legislature, (which 
is now sitting here), obliging a man to study 4 years be¬ 
fore he can obtain admittance. 

Should anything of note take place which you can 
communicate to me before it reaches us through the chan¬ 
nel of the newspapers, you will please do it—this will 
give us an advantage over our opponent whom we have 
to contend with—he is a very impotent one. 

James has taken his seat in the Council—Smith is 
Secretary pro tern for the Territory in place of Captain 
Harrison who is gone to Congress. Jane is well, and has 

Page 30 



her compliments to you. I must conclude in order to 
dress as I am to dine with the Governor today. 

I am 

With sincere esteem 
Your Affec. Brother 

J. S. Findlay. 

10 o’clock Sunday.”- 

The “Governor,” St. Clair, herein mentioned, was a 
life-long friend of Jonathan Findlay’s. From this letter 
we see our young man apparently settled at Cincinnati 
“for good and all,” with fair prospects, and means suffi¬ 
cient to keep him for more than two years. But the 
venture was either unsuccessful, or the partnership with 
Carpenter did not continue, for we hear little or nothing 
further. 

The year 1800 is a blank; but from a letter written in 
April of 1801 we learn that Thomas has complained to 
Nathan that Jonathan “is a very bad correspondent”; a 
charge that Jonathan warmly disclaims. He throws “the 
odium entirely on our Western Post,” and writes that he 
has “been extremely regular, but perhaps many of my 
letters have miscarried.” Jonathan then alludes to the 
possibility of Thomas going to New Orleans to engage in 
the Commission business there; he extols this project, and 
speaks in glowing terms of the Flour Trade as then car¬ 
ried on between New Orleans and the West Indies. One 
Flour-carrying vessel, he says, made seven thousand dol¬ 
lars in three weeks. Jonathan advises his brother to 
“set out for the south west immediately so that you may 
be over the mountains before the intense heat of the sum¬ 
mer sets in.” 

But Thomas was not be lured from safe Baltimore by 
the prospect of making a speedy fortune in Flour; and 
in his turn must have suggested that Jonathan should try 
for some political office within the Governor’s appoint¬ 
ment,—for in this same letter, Jonathan says: 

“I am no fawning parasite, and if I was, the Governor 
is not the person to please in that way.” 


Page 31 



On Nov. 27tli, 1801, Jonathan writes to “Dear Tom,” 
thanking him for his “friendly, playful, humorous letter 
of the 8th inst., and adds: 

“I assure you the dread of paying 25 cents every 
week for such letters as that is, would have no weight.”.. 

In this same letter of the 8th, Thomas must have 
spoken slightingly of a recent Theatre that Cincinnati 
was cherishing, for Jonathan stoutly says: 

“I suppose when compared with the splendid theatres 
of an opulent city, it (ours) might dwindle into compara¬ 
tive meanness—but the scenery, what is of it, is said by 
good judges to be nearly if not quite equal to that of the 
new Theatre in Phila. We have two (scenes) and more 
are painting by Mr. Kerr, who might appear with credit 
either as a painter, actor, poet, Lawyer or Merchant, or 
a clever fellow anywhere. He is by birth an Irishman, 
and nephew to the Duke of Roxburgh in Scotland, and 
cousin to the author of Tristram-Shandy. He graduated 
at one of the English universities, studied Law in the 
Inner Temple, resided a while in France, from there went 
to Calcutta, established a newspaper, got married, prose¬ 
cuted his Majesty’s fleet,—after residing there five years 
removed to Philadelphia, and from there to this place 
where he is a practicing Attorney and Counsellor at Law. 
I believe he has some tho’t, however, of leaving us and 
going to the West Indies. His Lady is one of the most 
sprightly, fine, well-informed women in the world. I 
have occasionally been reading Law for some time past; 
but having other business to attend to it became but a 
secondary object, and I have not read with that con¬ 
stancy and attention necessary to give a man a complete 
knowledge of that complicated and learned branch of 
science. I have, however, some thoughts of selling out 
my part of the office, if I can get a good price in cash, 
collecting my debts if possible, and setting in to study 
with indefatigable industry and enter it, the profession, 
whereby to make a living. The person under whom I 
read, Mr. St. Clair, is a sound Lawyer, but something, 
unfortunately for both, too much like me—he wants appli¬ 
cation. 


Page 32 


Our Legislature were to meet Monday, but at Chili- 
cothe. Great exertions will be made to become a State 
government by the ‘Friends of the people / and they will 
receive assistance of some ambitious persons of the 
Federalists, who are hungry for the loaves and fishes. 
The measure will be opposed by those who are acquainted 

with the true interests of the Territory.Avarice and 

the love of power has (sic) taken possession of so many 
of our (would-be) great men, that they take every means 
to poison the minds of our citizens, and I am afraid they 
have but too far succeeded. 

Sister Jane has been extremely unwell for some weeks, 
and unable to write; she is, however, better now, and I 
suppose will write you shortly. James is very much 

engaged in settling the Claims of pre-emptioners.I 

count myself a tolerably regular correspondent. You 
can’t write too often. In great haste, I subscribe myself 
yours most sincerely, 

J. S. Findlay. 

This letter gives a very fair idea of the young man 
of twenty-three, of his various interests, of the versatility 
of his mind, and also his own self-criticism—that he 
lacks application. Probably he did, and this with a 
certain visionary quality held him back from financial 
success. However, matters were running smoothly for 
the time being, and Jonathan’s next letter, written nearly 
two months later in Jan. 1802, is penned in the best of 
spirits. The day, the 15tli, had been set aside by the 
Governor and Legislature “as a day of Thanksgiving, 
prayer, praise, etc., throughout the Territory,” and Jona¬ 
than says, “It is but partially observed.” He seizes the 
opportunity to write as, “today is post day, and tomorrow 
(is) publication day.” He hopes that his brother Thomas 
will come out in the Spring and bring with him—James’ 
suggestion,—“some goods.” Their father, whom Jonathan 
calls “The Col.”, “has set up for Sheriff,—perhaps it would 
have been better otherwise.” Evidently Joathan is both 
absorbed and happy in his work, even though his intimate 
be the will-o’-the-wisp Irishman, Kerr. 


Page 33 





The next letter is in May, and Jonathan writes it as 
an interlude while cudgeling his brains over the compo¬ 
sition of an “Epilogue” composed for some “students of 
the Cincinnati Academy who intend acting a play.” The 
letter is chiefly political, and in this respect shows a good 
grasp of public affairs. There is this significant comment 
on Bonaparte,— ( 

“It has long been surprising to me that the powers of 
Europe have not taken some energetic means of checking 
the ambitions of Bonaparte. If they do not soon, I should 
not be surprised at his attempting the subjugation of all 
Europe and perhaps America. Fact is he must be en¬ 
gaged in war somewhere. He dare not disband his army, 
and he cannot support them in France unless he should 
be fortunate enough to find graves for a large proportion 
of them in the West Indies, which I believe was his prin¬ 
cipal reason in sending them there. I am afraid he will 
plant a military colony in Louisiana, that will prove ex¬ 
tremely troublesome to us.” 

Then he writes of politics in the Territory—an un¬ 
certain quantity—as men’s minds are bent upon local, 
not national, interests. Young Findlay is evidently a 
Federalist, and hopes for the success of this party. The 
Secretary of the Territory “is playing the devil,” Jonathan 
says, “by making every man in the Territory a justice or 
something else. He is courting popularity, but I think 
he will miss his aim,” etc. Then, in expectation of 
Thomas’ coming out to the North West Territory, Jano- 
than concludes by saying that he shall not write again 
until he hears from his brother. 

Obviously Thomas paid this visit, won golden opin¬ 
ions, and made many friends, for the next letter is written 
on Nov. 22d, full six months later. Through private 
channels news had just reached Cincinnati that the Span¬ 
ish Intendant of New Orleans had closed the Port to 
American Trade. Jonathan hastens to communicate this 
important news to his brother, and thinks that War will 
result from the Intendant’s impolitic action. Excitement 
ran high along the Mississippi, for New Orleans was 
already an important shipping point, not only for the 

Page 34 


West Indian flour trade, but also for the nascent cotton 
trade with Europe. The translation of the Intendant’s 
Proclamation is something of a curiosity, and the Procla¬ 
mation itself is historically interesting. 

PROCLAMATION OF THE INTENDANT. 

“As long as it was necessary to tolerate the trade of 
Neutrals, which is now abolished, it would have been pre¬ 
judicial to this Colony that the Intendant, complying 
with his duty, should have prevented the deposit in this 
city of the property of Americans as granted to them by 
the 22d article of the treaty of friendship limits, and 
Navigation of the 27th of Oct. 1795, at the expiration of 
the last three years prefixed; (sic) but now with the publi¬ 
cation of the treaty of Amiens, and the re-establishment of 
the communication between the English and Spanish 
Subjects, that inconvenience has ceased; considering that 
the 22d article of said Treaty prevents my continuing this 
toleration, which necessity required after the stipulated 
time, this ministry can no longer consent to it, without 
an express order of the King’s. Therefore without pre¬ 
judice to the exportation of what has been admitted, in 
proper time, I order that from this date shall cease the 
privilege which the Americans had of bringing and de¬ 
positing goods in this Capital. And that the foregoing 
may be publicly known and that nobody may plead ignor¬ 
ance, I order it to be published in the accustomed places, 
copies to be posted up in public, and that the necessary 
notice of it be given to the department of Finance, royal 
custom house, and others that may be thought proper. 

Done at the Intendancy, signed with my hand, and 
countersigned by the notary public of Finance at New 
Orleans, 16tli Oct., 1802. 

(Signed) Juan Ventura Morales. 

By Order of the Intendant 
Pedro Pedesclaux.” 

Herald Office, Natchez, 

Thursday Night, Oct. 27th, 1802. 

It had taken eight days for the news to come from 
Natchez to Cincinnati, and how long a time elapsed before 

Page 35 


“Dear Tom” received the tidings we do not know. Impor¬ 
tant then, the Intendant’s hasty action seems like a tem¬ 
pest in a teapot now. How accurate this Proclamation 
was does not appear, but its English is of the kind that 
was at once Cobbett’s scorn and despair. But all this 
shows our young man's interest in public affairs, and how 
quick he was to transmit this intelligence to Thomas, and 
through him to the Eastern papers. 

There was evidently some delay in Thomas’ answer, 
but when it comes Jonathan says that the letter has given 
him “singular pleasure.” Then he tells Thomas that he 
has “seen Tom Paine’s two first letters to the people, 
which I think will well serve as specimens of virility and 
blackguardism at Billingsgate or in the purlieus of Drury 
Lane. They cannot do any harm, and may do some good. 

.I observe in the Telegraph which I received, some 

observation on his (Tom Paine’s) boasted services where¬ 
in they compare him to what they call, ‘The once gallant 
Arnold.’ I do not believe the expression a correct one. 
Arnold was never brave, it was well known to all the old 
Officers that he would never fight but when he was drunk, 
he merely joined the Service for a living, and when he 
saw better prospects by quitting us, he did so. He never 
felt a glow of patriotism. His soul was incapable of it. 
It was too mean. Just so I believe with Tom Paine. He 
took the part of the Colonies because it was interest to 
do so, and because he hated his Mother Country, and per¬ 
haps to gratify his propensity for commotion and tur¬ 
bulence. I do not believe that he ever felt interested for 
the prosperity of this country more than he now does, and 
that you know how to appreciate.” 

Here we have an offhand opinion of the radical writer 
whose fame or notoriety was beginning to wane, and also 
a sidelight on the character of Benedict Arnold. Apropos 
of the “Old Officers” whom Jonathan had met, he says 
that he has, “been able to glean from them many curious 
interesting anecdotes of different Characters that is (sic) 
not generally known, nor mentioned in writings of the 
times.” These anecdotes, Jonathan adds, he has thought 
of arranging methodically and chronologically to form a 


Page 36 



kind of “secret history that might be called, ‘Gleanings of 
American History It was but a project, one that Jona¬ 
than never carried out; but with his eager mind and 
ready pen, and this rare access to eye-witnesses and actors 
in the Revolutionary War,—what a contribution to His¬ 
tory Jonathan might have made. 

Evidently Jonathan failed to collect the money due 
him; so late in 1802, or early in 1803, he went to Wash¬ 
ington, Kentucky, purposing there to establish a news¬ 
paper. His first letter from Washington, dated Jan. 12th, 
1803, is characteristically naive. He writes that, “Parties 
are about equally divided in this county. I must there¬ 
fore print that kind of paper that will unite both in its 
support. I do not much like being under the necessity 
of printing a milk-and-water paper, but must submit to 
it. I unluckily called my paper The Recorder without 
recollecting that Cullender’s was under the same title,— 
it has given offence to many. I have been obliged to 
promise an alteration.” 

This was not a fortunate beginning. In the same 
letter our young man adds that he had “had some thoughts 
... .of taking charge of a cargoe down the river for Vance 
and Dill, and would have gone round and seen you. They 
would not however, come up to my price.” He also asks 
“Brother Tom” to enquire the cost of a “fount of second¬ 
hand small pica, and asks to be written to at Cincinnati 
whither he will go in the meantime. In a later letter of 
Jan. 17th,he tells Thomas,“I had occasion to draw on your 
house for $200.00 in favor of John Thompson or order. I 
flatter myself you will honor the bill, for you may be as¬ 
sured the money will be deposited in your hands before 
the day of payment six days’ sight, unless I should break 
my neck, or meet with some such accident.” And patheti¬ 
cally adds, “If I could make my collections I would have 
money plenty to answer all my purposes and some to 
spare.” In a letter of Feb. 11th, Thomas is requested to 
“forward ink,” as Jonathan is very desirous of beginning 
his publication in April, if possible. Thomas is evidently 
standing behind his brother in this matter of money, at 
least to a degree, and Jonathan is very sanguine. But 

Page 37 


he never wholly concentrated his efforts upon one thing at 
at time, and even now alludes to land interests in con¬ 
nection with his friend, Brownson, and has still an eye 
to the possibilities of cargoe-conveying down the river. 
The winter was bitterly cold; the very ink froze; and even 
so hardy a young man as Jonathan felt the weather’s 
severity. He was detained in Cincinnati by “high water” 
much longer than he “had expected,” but is back in Wash¬ 
ington early in May. The paper and ink, though long 
since forwarded by the kindly Thomas, have not yet ar¬ 
rived, and Jonathan is troubled. Owing to political feel¬ 
ing, he says that he must strive to “print a strictly im¬ 
partial paper, and I am determined to do it.” Consider¬ 
ing his ardent and outspoken temperament this would be 
no easy task; but Jonathan was desperately in earnest, 
and had built high hopes on the projected paper. In this 
letter he also tells Thomas that lie “is the only corre¬ 
spondent on whom I can depend. I do not believe that I 
have received more than three letters from the neighbor¬ 
hood of Mercersburg for two years.” 

In a letter of May 28th, we learn that Thomas Find¬ 
lay has “entered into business” for himself, and, as there is 
considerable commerce between East and West, Jonathan 
thinks that advertising in his paper will be advantageous 
to Thomas. He says, “I may have it in my power to re¬ 
commend some good rich customers to you. It is not 
altogether singular for the Merchants in the seaports to 
advertise in the Western newspapers, and to send cards is 
very common; but I have not advertised for you as you 
hinted I might, because I do not (know) what articles you 
deal in, nor in what part of town you live; if you would 
annex a copy to one of your letters," I will publish it with 

pleasure.By the same Mail I forward you the first 

copy of my paper,” (May 28th, 1803), It is but badly 
executed. This is not my fault but that of my office. Mr. 
Hunter of Frankfort who was to have let me have a fount 

of letter, disappointed me.One of our Merchants is 

going on to Phila. soon when I expect to send for a com¬ 
plete office. I will, when that comes on, publish a hand¬ 
some paper, but it must always be a milk-and-water one. 

Page 38 




I have but few subscribers here yet, but since the office 

was established they come in pretty fast.payments 

have been made much more punctually than I expected. 
I flatter myself that I shall do tolerably well here.” He 
also says that he is going to advise their younger brother, 
Nathan, strongly against the study of Law, and wishes 
Thomas to do the same. “It is a very abstruse science 
and difficult to attain a complete knowledge of. It re¬ 
quires very close application.I do not think him 

(Nathan) in any way calculated for the bar, besides he 
wants the Latin language which, tho’ not absolutely neces¬ 
sary, is at least very convenient and a great advantage. 
I have read enough to discover this. Perhaps I may con¬ 
tinue my reading here,.indeed I believe I could stand 

my examination now in this State, but in practice I 
could not be among the first, and a petty-fogging Lawyer 
I think one of the most ridiculous things in the world.” 
A month later comes a letter, June 27th, in which Jona¬ 
than congratulates Thomas on his success in business, on 
the “sales” being “rapid,” and the “profits” “Handsome”; 
so we infer that Thomas is prospering. Jonathan also 
tells of having written a letter to “Aunt Parker in which 
I gave her my opinion of Nathan, but I had no idea that 
he would be informed of it, which I am sorry to hear is 
the case. I agree perfectly with you that it is not only 
grating to the feelings to be told we are different in men¬ 
tal capacities, but is calculated to damp exertion and (to 

make) one careless of improvement.James is lazy 

about letter-writing,.the discharge of his official 

duties requires the greater part of his time. I do not 
believe that he writes three letters of friendship in the 
year. He is always glad to receive yours, and considers 
you the pride of the family.”... .On Oct. 2d, Jonathan 
writes a long and particularly frank letter to Thomas, 
thanking him for that generally unpalatable thing—Good 
Advice. “I am not disposed to view... .the language of 
your letter as that of dictation. No, I am too well con¬ 
vinced of the motives by which you are actuated, that 
friendship enlivened by brotherly affection prompt every 
sentiment, every expression.Fully convinced of the 


Page 39 








correctness of this opinion, whether your letters wear the 
forbidding features of stern command, or the soothing 
smiles of mild persuasion; whether they appear in the 
alluring garb of flattering eulogy, or with the harsher 
front of rugged censure, still will I duly appreciate their 
worth, still will I esteem them valuable, and still from 
their perusal derive happiness/’ These high-sounding 
sentences suggest “Rasselas, or The Happy Valley/’ but 
beneath the ornate phrasing sincerity is evident. Jona¬ 
than continues, “I formerly, when you and I were Cow 
Boys and whistled over the lea, thought I had something 
of what is termed genius, and I believe yet that I had 

then_what is still better,-a turn for application. 

But my friends flattered me. I became wise in my own 
conceit. My head_was too weak to stand flattery, I be¬ 

came elated with the idea of my own mental powers, and 
thought further application only a waste of the time that 
ought to be employed in instructing the world. I have 
long since discovered how outrageously I was deceived, 
and find that I know nothing. To know this would be an 
advantage, but that before I made the discovery I had lost 
all relish for study, nor do I now see that I will ever re¬ 
gain it.There are fields enough open, but I am pre¬ 

vented by want of capital from embarking them.... v 
I never felt in a more humdrum humor in my life, I have 
no more spirits than a flat iron. Perhaps the ladies may 
enliven me” (he was to dine out that evening), “though I 
never discovered that any of them possessed any great 
power to produce an effect of that kind.” 

From this it is easily seen that matters were going 
contrary, that the newspaper venture was not a success; 
and on Dec. 19th, Jonathan writes Thomas that, “finding 
my business here unprofitable and inadequate for my sup¬ 
port 1 have discontinued my paper, and sent my office 
back to Cincinnati. In a few days I will issue proposals 
for a paper in Orleans, and during the time that sub¬ 
scribers may be obtaining, I mean to make a trip to Penna 
and to your place.” John Findlay, the oldest brother, 
had also been for some months in the Territory, and was 
interesting himself in the Fur Trade; so Jonathan pro 


Page 40 



poses “to take in Bear and Beavor skins in partnership 
with brother John who thinks it will be profitable/’ 
Jonathan blandly continues, “As I have not at present 
sufficient Capital or Cash to go into this trade, I have 
had recourse to an expedient which I hope your house 

will pardon,.drawing bills on it for money, payable 

on sixty days sight.” He frankly adds that lie knows 
little or nothing of “business,” and is somewhat doubtful 
of this mode of procedure, but hopes the house “will honor 
my bills,” as he will certainly be in “Baltimore before the 
day of payment can possibly come round.” He rather 
apologizes for the trouble and anxiety that he may cause 
Thomas, but adds, “I am worth nothing but what I have 
made since I came to the Western country... .and what¬ 
ever Father may choose to give me.” The tone of this letter 
is both anxious and sanguine as he turns to Thomas in his 
financial perplexities, his hopes and fears. This is a 
beautiful trait in the Findlay brothers,—their solidarity 
of family feeling and affection, and their readiness to 
help one another. 

So sometime in 1804 Jonathan returned East, like 
a homing pigeon, to Mercersburg, not yet having ob¬ 
tained a firm and lasting foothold in this work-a-day 
world. The first letter of this year is dated Aug. 7th, 
West Conococheague. News had suddenly come to the 
family that Thomas was ill, at the point of death, and 
Jonathan immediately writes to learn particulars. A long 
silence he ascribes to “indolence and not from any abate¬ 
ment of friendship or brotherly affection.” 

On receiving these ill tidings, Jonathan had set out 
for Baltimore “without money or a change of clothes.” 
He passed the night at a Major Johnston’s, and had ridden 
on for ten miles, when the alarming news of Thomas’ 
illness was “contradicted by Mr. Kankin’s waggoner.” 
Whereupon Jonathan went no further. He also consigns 
to Thomas “three bundles of fur and 4 Otter skins, which 
I will thank you to take charge of till I reach Baltimore.” 
He has been vastly entertained, he says, by riding about 
the country with a Miss Bell whom he finds a most en¬ 
gaging young lady. He tells Thomas all this, dwells on 


Page 41 



the health, or non-health, of the family, but says nothing 
of plans for the future. Still, at twenty-six Wisdom 
lingers, and our young man felt that he had plenty of 
time before him. The next letter is written six weeks 
later from Mercersburg, and contains details of their 
father’s death. The end had come suddenly after a brief 
illness, for Samuel Findlay had died on Friday, Sept. 1st. 
“He expired without a groan or a sigh and we have every 
reason to flatter ourselves that he died in peace with his 
God as he did with his fellow men. Few men had more 
completely weaned themselves from the world, and if we 
may judge from his composure and cheerfulness, few felt 
stronger assurance of a happy hereafter.He was hur¬ 
ried the next morning in the grave of our mother. 

We propose procuring a tombstone for them.” 

What property Samuel Findlay left, or to what ex¬ 
tent his sons were beneficiaries, does not appear. The 
next letter is dated Oct. 5th, and is a very long one. Jona¬ 
than says he knows that his brother will be surprised at 
receiving a letter dated from the “Family Mansion,”—“As 
you no doubt calculated I had set my face homeward”— 
i. e. Cincinnati. “But all human calculations are un¬ 
certain, and mine, among my friends, are proverbially so. 
There is a certain want of energy in my character, a want 
of decision and of action, of which I am perfectly con¬ 
scious, but of which I am unable to divest myself.” He 
expatiates on this fault, and anticipates his brother’s re¬ 
monstrances and warnings. He excuses himself for not 
having gone West on the score of sickness, and also inti¬ 
mates that he has thought of matrimony. 

“I could, I believe, make myself rich by marrying; 
but that is but a rascally way of begging, and by it I 
would forfeit my honor, and do violence to my affections. 
Away with it, then.” 

At this time, Nathan, the youngest brother, set out for 
Cincinnati, and Jonathan says that he, too, will leave in 
time to reach Chilicothe, “on the last Monday of the 
present month." But whatever his plans, a month later, 
Nov. 14th, finds him still lingering at Mercersburg. There 
was business yet pending in connection with their father’s 

Page 42 




will, and this afforded Jonathan some excuse, if excuse 
were needed; or a certain Mercersburg lady, to whom he 
had made allusion, may have enchained his fancy. 

In July of 1805, accompanying Col. James Findlay 
and his wife, Jonathan did return to Cincinnati, and on 
Aug. 12th, he writes to Thomas apologizing for a long 
delay: 

“The truth is that since my return here I have been 
a good deal pres’d with business which, added to my 
characteristic indolence (which has much grown upon me 
by the last year’s indulgence), has heretofore prevented 
my writing.” 

Nathan, who had preceded them, he says, is now 
acting as Clerk for James, “and has made something by 

dealing in (Government) Lands.This is a certain 

source of Speculation... .Next Spring the land of those 
who have entered and not yet made payment, or will not 
then have made it, will be sold to pay the balance due the 

U. S. The cash will have to be paid.It seems now a 

good calculation that Land that would at present com¬ 
mand from 10 to 20 (dollars), will sell at 1, 2, or 3. 

If I could form a connection with a monied house, I have 
no doubt but I could, from my knowledge of the different 
tracts, make three hundred per cent—James thinks 600— 
on every dollar advanced. What thinks your house of 
it? 

Adieu, 

J. S. Findlay.” 

What Thomas thought of Land Speculation does not 
appear, but apparently the reply was adverse. For the 
next letter is written on a river boat, under a “broiling 
sun,” on Sept. 17th, Jonathan then being en route for, 
“Mr. Jefferson’s Paradise to which I am going,—and of 
all the employments and situations in the world I am sure 
is the most stupifying.” 

He had quitted Cincinnati on Aug. 28tli, and “by 
poleing and rowing and sailing and hauling,” had reached 
the mouth of the Cumberland river, “a distance of 500 


Page 43 





miles in 20 days.” His first stopping place is to be Fort 
Massac, but the nature of bis quest or business is not dis¬ 
closed. Possibly he was either going in search of Furs, 
or to look at Government Lands. He expects to go on 
down to Pensacola, and will make his “bow to his ex¬ 
cellency, the Marquis de Capa Fouche,” Military and 
Civil Governor of his Spanish Majesty, and from thence 
back to Bayou Sarah to see “Don Carlos de Grandprie,” 
Governor of Baton Rouge. He proposes to go by water to 
Charleston, or even to Philadelphia or New lork. This 
letter is written in high spirits, and is full of hope. A 
day later, however, he writes from Fort Massac in com¬ 
plete revulsion of feeling. All his golden dreams are 
dust. He finds Fort Massac “a very poor place. The 
Garrison consists of 22 men.There are but few in¬ 

habitants and these are a set of poor French who trade 
with the Indians.” He can procure nothing in the way 
of supplies, and can raise no money which, nevertheless, 
is required by “the contract,” (the nature of which is 
not given). “I am heartily sick of the place, it has given 
me the spleen, and if I do not get away soon I shall be 

bedfast.The next post, New Madrid, is rather worse, 

—’tis a cursed business.” 

The next letter is to his brother Nathan, is begun 
“between the Grand Rapids and the Gulf,” and is finished 
at Natchez. It contains no particular news, nor does he 
give his plans. His quest seems to have been a general 
one, as if he were expecting something to turn up. He 
says that he hopes to be “at home” by December, or else 
by January, 1806, but whether he means Cincinnati or 
Mercersburg is not clear. He and his men have suffered 
greatly from ague and fever, and the letter shows the de¬ 
pressing effect of this then common malady. 

The year 1806 is a blank; there are no letters of 
this date, and whether Jonathan spent the time in Cin¬ 
cinnati, or as is more probable, in Mercersburg, does not 
appear. But in Feb., 1807, he writes from Georgetown, 
D. C., where he has apparently been for some little time. 
From this letter we learn that Jonathan wishes to buy out 
the Printing and Publishing establishment of a certain 


Page 44 




Mr. Rind. It will be a bold venture, as Jonathan candidly 
says that he hasn’t “a dollar,” yet though the debt will 
be heavy, he would fain make the venture on the principle 
of “Nothing risk, nothing gain.” He wishes to enlarge 
the paper of which Rind is now proprietor, would publish 
three times weekly during “the session of Congress, and 
(thus) give the paper a new appearance and new political 
consequence.” He also wishes to know whether he has 
“drawn a fourth or an eighth of the $30,000 in the New 
York Lottery.” His mind is much occupied with writing 
and writers, and with newspaper possibilities. He speaks 
of Charles Prentiss as a “man of genius and humor, but 
very lazy.” And says, “John Wood, the editor of the 
Atlantic World, etc., is standing beside me, who I be¬ 
lieve to be as void of principle as a vacuum is of a shadow. 
He is a man of mind.” 

Six weeks later he writes to Thomas about the chan¬ 
ces of securing a Clerkship in the Auditor’s office. This 
he failed to obtain, however, as “it was given to a fat, 
laughing, good-natured Democrat with a large family.” He 
is still at a loss what course to pursue, again enquires 
about the possible proceeds from the Lottery tickets, and 
asks that any gains may be re-invested in the Lottery He 
still thinks of studying Law, provided he can secure some 
employment that will not absorb all his time, and also 
alludes again to matrimony; but it all depends. Mean¬ 
time, he is writing articles for the Federalist, but the in¬ 
ference is that they are very poorly paid. 

On May 4th, Jonathan writes a long letter, detailing 
certain business propositions from Mr. Rind. Under 
certain conditions, if Findlay can build up the paper and 
procure new subscribers—for the subscription lists have 
greatly fallen off,—Findlay will become sole Editor and 
controller, with a possible income of a thousand a year. 
If matters continue as they now are, Rind makes Jonathan 
an offer of eight dollars a week for his services. At this 
day it sounds like “genteel poverty” indeed, but con¬ 
sidering how wretchedly Poe was paid thirty years later, 
—perhaps the terms were not so bad. Jonathan asks 
Thomas’ advice, and is evidently inclined to accept the 
offer. 


Page 45 


On June 2d, lie writes again of the prospects of doing 
something with Rind and his paper. Burr’s trial is now 
on, and there is much excitement over it. All journeymen 
(printers) are engaged, and Jonathan “cannot procure 
one to assist.’ 7 He has been sick again with the ever- 
haunting Ague, and ha's been working under difficulties. 
He asks Thomas whether he has read “Scott’s ‘Lay of the 
Last Minstrel’,” begs him to read it, and to “mark the 
passages which particularly please you.” 

Then on Aug. 16th, is a letter in which “Brother 
Tom” is informed that Jonathan has been chosen Orderly 
Sergeant of a Volunteer Company, and, not being able to 
procure the necessary uniform, he writes to Thomas for 
the blue cloth, three yards at “from $4.50 to $5.50 per 
yard; 10 yards silver cord, 1 pair Sergeant’s knots, white 
and large, and a handsome red plume; and please forward 
them to me by Saturday’s or Sunday’s stage. I do not 
send you the money because I have it not, and because 
my master (Rind) has none at this moment.” He also 

asks for a “fount of brevier, say 250 pounds.and a 

bundle of Royal paper.” “This is demanding pretty liber¬ 
ally all at once,” he has the grace to add, “but occasions 
press, and I hope if fortunate, not to be troublesome to 
you in the future.” _ The plume was immediately forth¬ 
coming, whereupon Jonathan writes, “for a Plume higher 
than you sent before. I was obliged to let a friend have 
that plume. Note the price of both.” 

Thomas had now been married for several years, and 
was the father of a young family. The next letter is one 
of condolence on the death of one of Thomas’ little 
daughters. It is written with much warm family feeling, 
and real tenderness for the bereaved mother. Then follow 
letters concerning the projected paper, the delay in secur¬ 
ing the type, the nature of articles to be published, the 
writers to be employed. He is full of business interests; 
yet he also quite boyishly harks back again to that “high 
Plume.” At the close of a letter written in Sept., he 
says, “We have received no Richmond papers for some 
time, but I hear that Burr’s trial for a misdemeanor is 
progressing.” Jonathan’s opening “Address” in the 

Page 46 



paper seems to have attracted attention, and to have been 
widely copied, for he speaks of receiving letters from 
“north, south, and west, giving. .. .encouragement, but I 
know not what speed is made in obtaining subscribers.” 
He also says of himself, “I shall never be a good editorial 
writer,” an intuitive self-criticism that seems in a sense 
correct. The desired improvements in the paper hung 
fire, however, because of delay in the supply of type. 
Jonathan at first frets over this, but as he has three weeks 
of enforced idleness before him, concludes that he may 
as well make a stage-trip—literally an almost three days’ 
journey—to Mercersburg. So we are not surprised to 
find him in November writing Thomas a long letter pro¬ 
testing against a charge of indolence. He speaks of the 
Ague that still besets him, of the difficulty of brain-work 
under such conditions, and makes out a fairly good case 
for himself. Yet Thomas was right; Jonathan might well 
have spent those three idle weeks in preparing articles 
for his paper, and he shows a lack of vision regarding 
newspaper possibilities which bespeaks but little real 
journalistic aptitude. The last letter of this year, written 
in Dec., shows a return of the fever. He is taking “Mer¬ 
cury,” is so “reduced” that he can scarcely walk, and finds 
“reporting” out of the question. Nature and Fortune 
now seem both agaist him, and in consequence his letter is 
distinctly dispirited. 

The year 1808 is a typical one, full of ups and downs, 
many more downs than ups, however—and Jonathan finds 
himself in various financial difficulties. His human heart 
is far better than his business head, and at times he is 
more generous than just. He is impulsively sympathetic, 
and seldom pauses long enough to weigh inevitable conse¬ 
quences. Thus in July he writes that he has “been 
obliged to draw” on Thomas for seventy-five dollars, in 
order to relieve himself “from some pressing debts. The 
fact is I had to borrow money some time since to save a 
joureyman’s little bit of furniture. The person of whom 
I borrowed is poor, and has a note to take up in bank, 
and must have it. I had no other resource, without sub¬ 
mitting to extreme mortification. I do all I can to collect 


Page 47 


money due, but ineffectually, and I deny myself almost 
every comfort.” Then he speaks of a possible office, yet 
fears disappointment. “He who depends on the disinter¬ 
ested friendship of others, I fear will oftentimes find him¬ 
self disappointed.” And concludes this letter by saying, 
“You shall hear from me shortly. I am now in a horrible 
frame of mind.” Jonathan was nothing if not mercurial, 
however, and four days later he writes,—“My difficulties 
are settled, and I am again at peace.” 

But in the meantime there had been pretty doings at 
a banquet on the evening of July Fourth... .“After the 
company had become pretty high, a dirty fellow who had 
found his way to table, gave for a toast, “The W. F. (Wor¬ 
cester Federalist ), may it next appear in a coat of tar and 
feathers.” 

“Of course confusion reigned. The Federalists loudly 
cried out order, and utterly refused to drink the toast or 
even let it be repeated, in which they were joined by the 
respectable democrats. Among the latter was Gen. Mason, 
who rose to give reason why he would not drink it. He 
however wandered from the subject, and made a very rude 
attack on me, applying to me very ungentlemanly epithets. 
He was after some time got out of the room, and carried 
home, being extremely drunk. The affair produced a good 
deal of altercation, and eventually some fist fights of 
which I knew nothing at the time.” 

Jonathan meanwhile, was dining at the Union, with 
“five or six young gentlemen; where we drank wine pretty 
freely; but I left them early in the afternoon, and came 
up to my room.” Nevertheless the invisible spirits of wine 
having done their work, hot blood was up by this time, 
and after several notes had passed, Jonathan “sent a 
positive challenge. Some of my friends interfered—pre¬ 
vented its delivery, and this morning brought me a written 
apology. I did not think it altogether sufficient, but all 
the respectable men of the place who are my friends 
thought differently. It was only to please them I noticed 
it, for it hurt not my own feelings. I therefore, as I 
found my reputation had rose (sic) instead of being in¬ 
jured, agreed to accept it, and all is peace. I despise 


Page 48 


duelling, but I would have been obliged to fight, if apo¬ 
logies had not been made. Mason was the only one I felt 
any anxiety to fight.” After this bellicose episode, life 
returned to the everyday commonplace, and to the usual 
worries about delayed paper and possible “more elegant” 
type. For Jonathan always wished the paper to present 
a handsome appearance. During this month, August, 
Jonathan says that he has, “at present... .no time to 
write for the paper. I have no talent for wit. Some 
chance-times in conversation I can make a lively hit 
enough; but when I attempt to put it on paper, it flies 

off.it evaporates.it acquires all the stiffness of 

pedantry, and all the formality of dullness.” In October, 
he writes in a strain of unmistakable discouragement re¬ 
garding the Paper. Thomas has apparently offered to 
supply Jonathan with the necessary materials, and to 
lend Kind money; but Jonathan while thanking him for 
“his brotherly kindness,” admits that the help would now 
“be of no use to me, and to advance money for Rind, how¬ 
ever worthy he may be, would be foolish in you. The 
paper must take its chance.” And he continues, “There 
are some of them here talking of doing something for me; 
but like all men who are conferring favors they think they 
have a right to proceed as they please, prescribe terms, 
and take their own time. I not only am pleased with, 
but love and venerate, a generous action, whether myself 
or another be the object of it; but I am not yet so far re¬ 
duced as to forfeit that respect due to myself as to kneel 
at the foot of purse proud arrogance, or to bow with 
humble submission to a mere piece of pompous inanity.” 

How poor is man that waits on princes’ favors; and 
in nothing poorer than this, that such “waiting” always 
induces bitterness of heart. It seems as if Jonathan were 
beginning to know something of this bitterness. Then, 
towards the last of October, he writes a very long letter, 
explanatory of some apparent remissness in not answering 
Thomas’ questions. The letter is almost strictly business, 
and we see that Jonathan is still in financial straits and 
feels the need of money. For Thomas’ sake he is always 
interested in the possibilities of Trade, and he tells 


Page 49 




Thomas of the rise in the price of Flour—$5.00 a barrel,— 
but thinks that it will soon fall again. The “demand in 
Spain and Portugal will give flour a spur for a few days,” 
but after that the price must decline. 

The last letter of this experimental year is written 
on Nov. 28th. It dwells upon political matters, yet lacks a 
certain point and definiteness, which may account for 
Jonathan’s rather negative success as a journalist. Jour¬ 
nalism is the shortest distance of intelligence between two 
points,—the reader and the subject written of. To trans¬ 
mit from the one to the other, to enable the reader to 
understand the matter to be understood, and with no 
“fine writing,”—to present a case with fullness of meaning 
and fewness of words,—this constitutes successful journal¬ 
ism. It is often a “way of putting things” peculiar to 
the individual so that a good journalist is something like 
the poet—born and not made. Jonathan Findlay was un¬ 
doubtedly clever, and had a rather fatal facility in writ¬ 
ing; but he liked the ornate phrase and the sonorous 
word and, to judge from his letters, was too often a self- 
conscious writer. Still, he was but just thirty, and that 
is usually the most important time of a man’s schooling, 
—when he begins to teach himself. 

The “paper,” round which Jonathan’s being had re¬ 
volved, had been conducted during the second term of 
Jefferson’s Administration. Undoubtedly Findlay was 
one of the best known men in Washington, and he had 
many friends; but the Administration was “democratic,” 
and the Federalists had no reason to expect favors. In 
March of this year, 1809, James Madison took his oath 
as President. The decline and fall of the paper had been 
going steadily on all through 1808, and it must have come 
to an end late in that year or early in the next; for it 
was about then that Jonathan sold out at a great sacrifice. 
There is but one letter extant of 1809, but it is a very 
telling one. In it Jonathan gives a detailed account of 
his affairs, of the sums he owes, of the unlikelihood of 
his collecting his debts, inveighs bitterly against a certain 


Page 50 


“hard creditor,” one Senton, who had filed a suit against 
him, and concludes the letter by signing himself: 

“Yr Grateful, affectionate, imprudent brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay.” 

For nearly eighteen months we hear nothing further 
of our “imprudent” hero, and he seems to be engaged in 
newspaper work during this interval. Also he says, “I 
make a little money correcting speeches for Members of 
Congress. I got 15.$ for one last week. I expect this week 
to commence writing for a newspaper at 2$ per column, 
but am not certain.” But he was evidently busy and was 
fairly contented and happy. 

Then in November, 1810, comes one letter which is 
wholly political. The burning question of the hour was 
that of the Embargo on commerce between Great Britain 
and the United States. It had been confidently expected in 
both countries that the Embargo would have been raised 
in the previous June, but the negotiations failed of this 
desired end. The embargo existing between the two coun¬ 
tries, and between the United States and France, had 
seriouslv affected commerce, and had been a source of 
great dissatisfaction. President Madison’s first Annual 
Message, November 29th, dwells upon this, and Jonathan 
Findlav’s letter of “Nov. 19,” is filled with it. Jonathan 
gives his own opinion and that “of a very respectable 
federal member” (whether of House or Senate is not told), 
concerning affairs. “He, with myself, is firmly of the 
opinion that the legislature will not dare to rise without 
making some amelioration of the embargo system. The 
eastern Federalists and the ivhole New York representa¬ 
tion say openly, that commerce they must have and will 
have. Gideon Granger says that it would be better for 
the eastern people to build a wall 3000 ft. high and 3000 
feet thick between themselves and the people to the south¬ 
ward, than to submit to the embargo. The southern demo¬ 
crats seem in favor of its continuance and a more rigorous 
enforcement. You may rely on receiving from time to 
time such information as I am able to give you; but the 
truth is we are as much in the dark here as with you, or 


Page 51 


in Kentucky.Affectionate respects to Sister, and ac¬ 

cept them yourself. 

Jon. S. Findlay.” 

Meantime, Jonathan undertook the calling in which 
he was invariably successful—that of teaching, and open¬ 
ed a school, apparently for girls, “on F St. near Fifteenth.” 
No doubt he was too busy to write letters, for the year 
1811 is a blank but for two School Circulars, dated “Dec. 
31st, 1811.” These circulars, two quaint little cards, 
read * 

“JONATHAN S. FINDLAY. 

At this season of festivity and mutual gratulation, 
begs leave to intrude himself on the attention of his 
friends, not to solicit patronage, for patronage is already 
ample—not, in hacknied phrase, to ‘return thanks for past 
favors’—but in the most ardent, yet most sincere language, 
to declare the gratitude which fills his heart for that kind¬ 
ness which he has so liberally experienced. Driven, by 
the persecutions of a ruthless creditor, to a profession to 
which he had been unaccustomed, and of great labour 
and responsibility, his toil has been rendered pleasant by 
the munificence of reward, and his responsibility stripped 
of its awful ness by the smiles of public approbation. 

Washington, D. C., Dec. 31st,1811.” 

(The second card reads), 

“JONATHAN S. FINDLAY. 

ALIKE induced bv the solicitations of friends and 
his own convictions of its utility, has engaged as an assis¬ 
tant in the female department of his School, a lady for 
whose qualifications he confidently pledges himself. 

The terms of tuition are, 8 dolls, a quarter; for which 
will be taught, reading, writing, arithmetick, grammar, 
punctuation, composition, geography and needle-work. 
The needle-work will embrace plain sewing, various kinds 
of muslin work, embroidery and print-work. 

Reading, writing, arithmetick, and grammar will con¬ 
tinue to be taught at five dollars a quarter. 

The French language will be taught for 8 dollars 
a quarter extra, and musick for 12 dollars a quarter extra. 

Washington, D. C., Dec. 31st,1811.” 


Page 52 




It must have been in 1811, then, that he established 
his school which, for the time being, was about the most 
successful venture he ever made; and but for the War of 
1S12, Jonathan Findlay might have been one of the best 
known and most widely successful teachers in the Dis¬ 
trict of Columbia. 

He also added before long another activity to his 
busy hours. 

“The Washington Library, modeled on that of Alexan¬ 
dria, was organized in 1811, and was formally opened for 
service on March 21st, 1812. The location was a room 
on the first floor of a house owned by Isaiah Travers on 
the south side of Pennsylvania Avenue, between 13th and 
13i/ 2 sts., N. W. At that time it was thought to be a little 
too far west, but there it remained for five years. 

Jonathan S. Findlay, who was the Principal of a 
school on F Street near 13th, was in charge as Librarian 
when the opening day of March 21st, 1812, came round. 
The Library was opened for two hours two days in the 
week, but like all Libraries of the kind only shareholders 
were allowed to take out books. In less than three months 
the collection contained 900 volumes, and a catalogue was 

printed.For five years the Library continued with 

growing success, and then what was thought a mistake 
in its original position was corrected when it was removed 
to the bookstore of Gideon Davis, on Penn. Ave., near 
11th St. Mr. Davis became the Librarian.” 

Thus in addition to his other interests and duties, 
Jonathan added that of Librarian “two hours a day two 
days in the week.” That he should have been the first 

t/ 

Librarian of this Public Library is interesting, and shows 
the high estimate placed upon his general intelligence 
and ability. “The shares of this Library cost 12 dollars 
Lfl2.00), and the annual assessment was three dollars 
($3.00).” 

(From, “A History of the National Capital,” by W. 

B. Bryan). 

In January of 1812 we have a long letter still dwell¬ 
ing upon things political. There were rumors of war, and 


Page 53 



this letter speaks of Army Contracts which are now being 
let out. Thomas, as a business man, is evidently interest¬ 
ed, and has made inquiries of Jonathan as to the profits 
of such undertakings. Jonathan’s reply is not encourag¬ 
ing. “More contractors have failed than have made 
money,” he says, adding, “If you want any further infor¬ 
mation, more in detail, I shall willingly offer it.” The 
next letter is dated March 6th. From it we gather that 
Jonathan has been trying for a Commission in the army. 
He thanks Thomas for an “offer of guaranty,” and ex¬ 
presses gratitude to their brother James for his “friendly 
offer” of pecuniary aid. Then Jonathan continues,—“It is 
not necessary that I should at present, impose myself on 
the generosity of either, as the rank which I had been 
taught to expect in the army, and on which my wishes for 
immediate release was (were) predicated, has been most 
foully dashed from me. Mr. Piper can give you the par¬ 
ticulars of the way in which I have been treated. He has 
been a stanch friend. Had I obtained the rank, Wm. 
would have released me. He has the property in his 
hands to secure himself. There is no necessity for risking 
loss. I shall write to James thanking him for his 
liberality.”. 

The next letter is written in August and from it' we 
learn that Jonathan is thinking of Journalism again. He 
writes,—“I had long ago determined never again to meddle 
with a paper wholly political. I dislike it; and my talents 
do not fit me for it; and it is 19 times in 20 unprofitable. 
A well established Coml. paper is highly lucrative, re¬ 
quires less talents, but little more industry, and is by no 
means so irksome to a man who wishes to live peaceably. 
To the editing of the Federal Gaz. therefore, even more 
highly seasoned with politics than it has long been, I 
should feel no hesitation in point of feeling, and but little 
on the score of competency. But to acquire the possession 
of it seems to me to be as far beyond my reach, as to ‘call 
up spirits from the vasty deep’. I have not any means 
of my own,—none of my friends that I know of, have them 
to spare to anything like the amount required, and if they 
had, from the want of financial skill I have heretofore 


Page 54 



evinced, and from the little confidence I yet feel in my 
own power of managing monied transactions,—I feel no 
reason to believe that I conld have means to such an 
amount placed at my disposal.” Then he speaks of coming 
to Baltimore, “to divide some lands with Finley & Taylor,” 
and of soon seeing his brother. 

The last letter of this year bears date Oct. 2d, and is 
written “in school, amid a hundred interruptions.” He 
is still thinking of the Gazette, but the price asked is 
prohibitive, nor can he even procure an interest. 

In March 1813, comes a letter partly business and 
partly political. Jonathan says,—“I do not hear any 
late intelligence from the frontier lines. Our armies ap¬ 
pear to be very inactive. What glorious fellows our 
Tars have proved themselves to be! Had we had the 
means, the sea is the theatre where the nation would not 
fail to gather glory. Can you account for the astonishing 
disparity in the efficiency of the American and British 
fire? Will not the influence of these brilliant naval 
achievements be sufficient to overcome the contra'ctedness 
of democratic prejudice to unclench the fist of democratic 
parsimony, and force them to provide for the building 
of an efficient naval force? I think it must. The cloud 
of discontent which has long been gathering in the east 
increases in its darkness, and threatens to burst upon and 
disrupt our federal pile. I most anxiously and seriously 
wish that so great an evil may never befall this nation; 
but that which I wish, I am scarcely able to hope. It can¬ 
not be imprudent,.to ponder, tho’ silently, on the 

course which we to the south ought in prudence to pursue, 
should such a state of things occur. I have snatched a 
leisure moment in school to scribble this. My duties now 
call me off. Adieu. Jonathan S. Findlay.” 


Page 55 



Chapter IV. 

From His Marriage, Till the Going West. 

On July 31st of this memorable year, 1813, when 
Jonathan had just turned thirty-five, he writes a letter 
to Thomas different from all the others 

“Brother Thomas: 

On Tuesday evening next it is my intention to be 
united in the holy bonds of wedlock to Miss H. C. Dargen, 
and I had resolved on setting out the next morning to 
pay you a visit, but late last night I heard that you w T ere 
greatly alarmed by the British, and that your citizens 
were flying in all directions. If this be true, our proposed 
visit would be altogether unexpedient.” After this simple 
and direct announcement, Jonathan then suggests that 
Thomas, his wife and “little ones,” shall visit himself 
and new-made bride, promising a warm welcome, and a 
safe haven from the advancing foe. Evidently he has 
not before mentioned his engagement, and the marriage 
seems to have been a very quiet one. The disturbed state 
of the times would be reason enough for this. The lady, 
Henrietta Canterbury Dargen, or D’Argen, was the 
daughter of a Frenchman who probably came over in the 
train of Rochambeau. This Chevalier D’Argen married 
Margaret Welch of Annapolis, Maryland. Henrietta is 
supposed to have been the “assistant in the female depart¬ 
ment “of his school, for whose qualifications he “confident¬ 
ly pledges” himself. She was a woman of much force of 
character, stanch and loyal, and the many vicissitudes and 
manifold changes of her life she bore valiantly. She was 
full ten years younger than her husband, and was born 
at Annapolis in 1788. Of her father, the Chevalier or 
Count D’Argen, nothing more is now known than his 
name. He died shortly before, or just after, the birth of 
his only child, Henrietta, and the young widow and her 


Page 56 


baby made their home with the mother’s supposedly ma¬ 
ternal uncles, who were named Canterbury. Many records 
were destroyed in the burning of the Annapolis Court 
House, and among them, it is believed, any records re¬ 
lating to Monsieur D’Argen 

Of her Grandmother, whom she well remembered, 
Mrs. Emma Chick Moore, the daughter of Margaret Find¬ 
lay Chick, says: 

“I wish that whoever examines the records in Wash¬ 
ington as to our Grandfather (Findlay), would also look 
for the name of Grandma’s father, whose name was ‘Dar- 
gen\ He was an officer in the French army, and came to 
America to help fight for independence. I really think 
Grandma was the most interesting one of the family, may 
be because I knew more about her. She was born in 
Annapolis, Md. Her father died when she was a baby. 
(Your mother told me she thought he died before Grand¬ 
ma was born). Her mother was before her marriage 

Margaret Welch.She had some near relations named 

Canterbury, I suppose her mother’s maiden name, for 
Grandma was named Henrietta Canterbury Dargen. 
Grandma was always a delicate child, and seems to have 
been a great pet with her mother’s family from stories 
I have heard her tell when I was a child. Her mother 
must have been left quite poor, for Grandma seems to 
have begun young to help support herself and her mother. 
She was very skillfull with her needle, and was also a 
schoolteacher. Her mother lived with her till she died 
in Lexington,” Missouri. 

In an other letter, Mrs. Moore says: 

“I remember when I was in Baltimore, Uncle Charles 
said” (Mr. Charles Findlay, eldest son and child of Jona¬ 
than and Henrietta C. D. Findlay),—“that the family 
name was spelled with a D’—D’Argen, and that he (D’Ar¬ 
gen), had come over with the French. It seems reason¬ 
able that that was the correct way to spell the name. 
Uncle Charles being the oldest of his father’s children, 
and having a better chance to know or remember about 

such things.But the stone in the cemetery spells it 

‘Dargen’.” 


Page 57 




So our hero married on August 3rd, 1813, in the very 
face of the coming storm, war with England; but his 
success with the school no doubt warranted him in leak¬ 
ing the venture. Moreover, his young wife was already 
his “Assistant” and their combined efforts would prob¬ 
ably result in the surer building up of the school. They 
began their married life under tolerably fair prospects, 
and with bright hopes for the future. 

The earliest letter of 1814 is written on Feb. 25th, and 
is chiefly personal. Jonathan congratulates Thomas on 
the birth of another son, and laments the death of their 
“Aunt Smith,” a sister-in-law of their mother. Jonathan 
expresses himself as “complimented” by being asked to 
compose the epitaph or inscription for the tombstone to be 
placed over “our parents,” and says that he will try to 
comply with Thomas’ “hint” that the said inscription 
shall be “plain.” He also speaks of the general longing 
both in this country and in England for “peace,” and 
hopes that an armistice will soon be announced. He and 
his wife seem to be happy and comfortable, and the in¬ 
ference is that their finances are sufficient for their simple 
wants. 

The next letter comes in June, and shows that Jona¬ 
than is not satisfied with present conditions. He has 
thought of quitting the District for Harrisburg, presum¬ 
ably to engage in some form of the newspaper business; 
but has been warmly dissuaded by “brother John.” He 
has some idea of trying to secure the Government Print¬ 
ing which is a “lucrative business.” He, “immediately 
offered proposals for the contract, and have since been 
awaiting an answer, which will be given next week.”. .. . 
“If I fail I think I shall endeavor to locate myself during 
the Autumn to the southward.” He also thinks of com¬ 
bining newspaper work with an “Academy,” and holds 
himself “to be perfectly capable of discharging both duties 
at the same time.” He is “anxious for a change of place,” 
and for “some other business.” Thomas has “generously, 
voluntarily said” that he would assist him, “and it is 
therefore certain you will do it. But I presume that 
money is not always immediately at your command, and 
I do not wish to increase the obligation by calling on you 

Page 58 



at an inconvenient time. When will it be convenient for 
you to make me any advances ?” 

Then Jonathan names specific sums that must be 
forthcoming if he is to do this or that, and asks Thomas 
whether he can lend him $400.. (four hundred dollars) 
now instead of then—“but in this I would have you con¬ 
sult your own conveniences,” etc. 

Meantime, instead of the longed-for peace, the British 
were threatening Washington, and there was a hurried 
mustering of the Militia and of volunteers. Jonathan 
was one of these, and his next letter, July 29th, runs thus: 

“I have returned safe from an expedition down the 

river.We did not see the enemy. At our last advance 

there was no force above Bla'ckstone’s Island in the Poto¬ 
mac, in the Patuxent they were about the mouth. They 
will thus continue to harass all summer, and if it be true 
that Cochrane has arrived with 6,000 troops, we shall most 
inevitably have a visit from them. We are not prepared 
to repel half that number of well appointed veterans, and 
there are many important works to draw them here, the 
Navy Yard, the Capitol and other public buildings, the 
foundry, and several hundred, say from four to five hun¬ 
dred, pieces of cannon. I do not think they will destroy 
private property if not fired on from the houses, but a 
great deal of our population seem to think it must be 
done.. My plan is to meet them below the Eastern branch, 
and oppose them with all the force we can muster, dis¬ 
pute every inch of ground, and, if overpowered by superior 
numbers and discipline, then make the best terms we can. 
If they should be able to obtain a footing in the town 
resistance would be vain,.... unprofitable to the country 
and ruinous to ourselves. I should be well pleased to get 
away, but cannot now. Henrietta expects very soon to 
be confined, and until after her recovery I can do nothing. 
I know not well what I can do then. James has not yet 
answered my last letter where I enquired whether the two 

duties of teacher and editor could not be blended. 

When I opened a Boarding-school last Fall, I borrowed 
from one of the Banks $250.00. They now require it to 
be returned. The note will be due the 21st of August.... 


Page 59 




Can you help me to the whole or a part by that time ?.. . . 
The boarding-school was an unprofitable business. We 
have now no boarders, and the day school, partly from 
the warm weather and partly from an opposition school 
lately established, has very much diminished within the 
past six weeks. I have now not 50 scholars, then 80.” 

With regard to Jonathan S. Findlay’s military ex¬ 
perience and rank, the following letter speaks for itself. 
This letter was written in answer to one from Senator 
James D. Phelan of California. 

“War Department, 

The Adjutant-General’s Office, 

Washington, February 12, 1916. 

United States Senate. 

Dear Sir: 

Referring to your letter of yesterday, in which you 
request the record of Jonathan S. Findlay, who, it is 
stated, lived in Georgetown, 1812-15, and was Captain of 
a company of soldiers of a home-guard organization, and 
he also being referred to as Major, I have the honor to 
inform you as follows: 

The records of this office show that one Jonathan S. 
Findlay served in the War of 1812 in the Light Infantry, 
1st Regiment District of Columbia Militia, in Capt. John 
Davidson’s Company (Col. Magruder and Lieut.-Col. 
Thompson) as follows :—As sergeant from July 15 to July 
26, 1813; as Ensign from July 18 to July 26, 1814; and as 
Lieutenant from Aug. 19 to Oct. 8, 1814. A roll dated 
Oct. 8, 1814, shows that he was acting as Brigade-major 
and inspector. No further record of him ha's been found. 

Very respectfully, 

(Signed), H. P. McCain, 

The Adjutant-General.” 

On Aug. 17th, shortly before the birth of the first 
child, comes a very characteristic letter from Jonathan, 
in which he says nothing of politics—though the British 
were well-nigh at Washington’s doors,—but dwells wholly 
on personal matters. Immediate money pressure has been 


Page 60 


relieved, and lie writes with less anxiety for the time 
being. War then and now were two very different things; 
fancy a Frenchman or a Belgian writing such a letter 
with the German Kultur close at hand. 

“I have been a good deal bothered lately, and have 
not tried my hand at an epitaph for Dr. King. Those 
you send me are “stale, flat, and unprofitable.” The last 

is the worst.Since I wrote you last I have had a letter 

from Lucas. He holds out two other subjects to my at¬ 
tention at Raleigh. One is to purchase the Star, a weekly 
paper there, chiefly devoted to the Arts and Sciences, 
and nearly or altogether excluding party politics. It is 
well established,. .. .and Lucas says it is worth at least 
|3000, a year, and seems anxious that I should procure it. 
He has not, however, mentioned either the price or terms 
of payment. These I have written for. 

The other plan is to purchase one half of a well 
established book store, of about $7000, stock now on hand. 
The present proprietor has made a fortune by it. An ad¬ 
vance in this case of $1000. would be required. Unless 
something unexpected should occur to prevent, I have 
definitely made up my mind to go there (Raleigh) in 
some capacity or other. If I can any way be furnished 
with means, I should like to embark in some business 
that would promise greater profit than mere personal 
effort can do; but if these (means) cannot be furnished, 
I am sure, if it please God to grant me health, that by 
personal services alone I can support my little family. 
But even to transport and settle myself there I will need 
a little assistance, unless I can sell the Cove place.”.... 
Then he says that their household effects would not sell 
for much. “Besides, wife thinks she will take our bed and 
table linen, what little plate we have, and other matters 
of light carriage, as they are now dear and difficult to 
replace. She thinks the balance wont sell for as much 
as will balance the accounts here. I think it will come 
pretty near it. But then I must have money to transport 
me to Raleigh, and some left when I get there. I fear 
from the dullness of sales, etc., you will not be able to 
afford me much assistance without distressing yourself, 


Page 61 




which I by no means wish. I never had a fair start in 
my life. I have managed terribly, I know, but I have 
always commenced everything I was ever engaged in with¬ 
out a cent. I do not believe I am yet formed for a rapid 
money-maker, but I know that most or all of my bad 
habits are, if not eradicated, weakened; and my good 
principles strengthened, and without misfortune, I feel 
I could get along the great highway of business with 
safety. I wish somehow or other to take with me to 

Raleigh from $1500. to $2000.This I am sure you 

cannot... .spare from your own business, but I shall this 
evening write to James stating my case and my views, and 
solicit assistance from him. If I could sell the Cove 

place,_$2000. might be made up perhaps without being 

seriously felt.I shall quit teaching here the 1st of 

Oct., and wish to get to the south as soon as possible. 

Henrietta is still going about.” 

The night of the burning of the Capitol, August 24th, 
and during so frightful a thunderstorm that neither 
American nor British were able to fight,—Charles Find¬ 
lay, Jonathan and Henrietta’s eldest son and child, was 
born. Of the welfare of the mother and child during 
that trying time, there is no record. Henrietta and her 
baby were in the city, while Jonathan was off with his 
troops. But the letter just given, written so shortly be¬ 
fore his son’s birth, is certainly pathetic. It is so naive 
and self-revealing that we cannot but feel sympathy for 
the writer. He was somewhat justified in saying that he 
had “never had a fair start” in life, and that all he had 
ever attempted had been done “without a cent.” What¬ 
ever a man’s ability, he must have exceptional business 
talent to be able to succeed with such a handicap, that 
is, the want of capital for any and every thing. The 
“bad habits” to which he alludes were probably his fatal 
propensity to tide over the moment by easy borrowing, 
often at a ruinous interest, and his lack of steadiness of 
purpose, which led him to venture too quickly, then grow 
impatient, and finally in disgust to throw up the business, 
and undertake something else. It is said that ninety-five 
out of a hundred of the men who set up in business fail; 


Page 62 





from which it may be inferred that a good business man is 
also born and not made. At all events, the teaching had 
now come to an end, and Jonathan was anxious to seek 
pastures new. 

The last letter of this momentous year, 1814, is writ¬ 
ten on Christmas Eve, and, strange to say is wholly po¬ 
litical. Jonathan says that he is leading a “retired mode 
of life,” and hence of being apart from the ordinary means 
of information; but such political news as he has, he pas¬ 
ses on to Thomas. By a coincidence, the “Treaty of peace 
and amity” between the United States and Great Britain 
was signed at Ghent on this very day, Dec. 24th; and was 
“duly accepted, ratified, and confirmed’’ on the 17th day 
of February, 1815. Peace had been ardently longed for 
by both countries, and President Madison issued a procla¬ 
mation, and appointed the “Second Thursday in April 
next. .. .as a day on which the people of every religious 
denomination may”... .offer... .“to their Heavenly Bene¬ 
factor their homage of thanksgiving and songs of praise.” 

Of course Jonathan could give Thomas nothing more 
than conjectures since nothing definite was as yet known; 
but Thomas had much merchandise on hand, and, in the 
event of a speedy peace, he wished to know whether it 
would be best to hold, or to sell, his stock. Jonathan’s ad¬ 
vice is to hold some, and to sell others; he says: 

“I am but little skilled in these matters, but had I 
West India or European goods, I should like at present 
to part from them. East Indian goods cannot be so much 
affected by a peace, the stock on hand is no more, or little 
more, than necessary for the supply of the nation until 
fresh importations can be effected.” 

He was one of those men who can see far more 
clearly what is to another’s interest than he can as to his 
own;—a type of man by no means rare. 

Some of the threads are here wanting, and can only 
be supplied from subsequent events. Apparently James 
and Thomas did not think favorably of Jonathan’s Raleigh 
projects—or more likely the necessary money was not 
forthcoming,—for early in 1815 Jonathan moved his fam¬ 
ily to “Ligonier House,” Westmoreland Co., Penn. It 
seems to have been a Public House or Tavern, but what 

Page 63 


induced Jonathan to undertake this form of Business does 
not appear. He was always eager to try, and was prob¬ 
ably lured on by some tale of the success to be achieved 
in this mode of living. Undoubtedly Jonathan was apt to 
go off half-cocked, and was wont to leap into situations 
where a slower pace would have given time for more 
seasoned reflection. In this respect he must have severely 
tried the patience and affection of the much enduring 
Thomas, to say nothing of the kindly James. But it was 
to Thomas that Jonathan instinctively and invariably 
turned. But as regards “Ligonier House,” it would seem 
that Jonathan had acted wholly upon his own initiative, 
and had not asked the advice of his brothers, for he 
writes, evidently after a silence, thus: 

“Of late years I have become so inattentive to corre¬ 
spondence that I never write save when some business 
clamorously demands it. Hence I have, for a long time, 
left you unadvised of my business and prospects.... I 
commenced my trade of gin selling on the first of the 
month, I was then but ill prepared, but am getting things 
as Derby says, “snug and comfortable about me.” There 
has been very little traveling yet this Spring.... I get a 
share of what little is going. Going up no decent man 
passes the house, coming down some few do. This is 

caused by a report that Ramsay had quit_and that the 

stand was abandoned. The contradiction ha's not yet 
reached every ear, but soon will.” Then follows a signifi¬ 
cant admission, showing his customary hasty action based 
on insufficient judgment,—“Had I expected our abused 
land was so soon to be smiling under the auspices of 
“Heaven born” peace, I would not have been here. I 
know not exacty what I should have done, but my ‘dem¬ 
onstration’ would certainly have been made in a different 
quarter and by differet means. But it has been ordered 
otherwise and I must only make the best of things as they 
are. Old Adams, you know, told the Chambersburg patriots 
of his day that it was “unmanly to murmur, unchristian to 
repine." Yet if the agency of those hags, Clotho, Atropos, 
and Lachesis had not passed long since,—I should have 
supposed they were busied in weaving the thread of my 

Page 64 


life into a tangled net. The most vexatious and morti¬ 
fying circumstance—is the difficulty, or rather the impos¬ 
sibility of procuring help in the kitchen. The girls here 
are too poor to live at home; too proud to live out; and 
too ignorant to be worth anything. Henrietta has to 
work servilely, laboriously, and incessantly, and unless I 
can affect some better arrangement... .1 feel certain her 
constitution must sink under it. To go out and buy 
negroes I dislike on many accounts. I cannot afford the 
risk, and I hate to own such property. Could you hire 
me in Baltimore two free negro women? One strong and 
active to do the heavy work of the kitchen, the other 
young, sprightly and active for a chambermaid? I would 
give the first $50. a year, and the latter $50., besides I 
would allow them $10. a piece to bring them out, which 
is sufficient coming with a wagon and living cheaply. But 
I fear the good ones can all find places there/’ 

This letter speaks for itself, and holds no good omens. 
Henrietta and her mother had taken severe colds in their 
“Winter Journeying,” and Henrietta, with a young baby 
to care for, was assuredly in no condition to undertake the 
work and supervision of a Public House. But she faced 
difficulties and hardships with indomitable courage, and 
apparently never faltered. She was a practical woman, 
a good organizer, and had a clear head; but the physical 
difficulties of such a situation might have daunted any 
woman. She was most anxious to aid her husband in 
every way, and was as eager as he to win to indepen¬ 
dence and a fairly successful living. But things were not 
promising. Jonathan had been dabbling in the Lottery 
again, this time in the “Board of Health Lottery of New 
York” (surely an interesting side-light on the methods of 
money-raising in those days). His ticket was No. 23092. 
“It is warranted, undrawn the sixth day, since which I 
have heard nothing of the matter. Let me know its fate. 
The mail arrives here once a week. Letters deposited at 
your office in time for Tuesday’s mail will reach me Satur¬ 
day morning.” 

The next letter is written a month later, in April, and 
is an unusually long one. In addition to Tavern-keeping, 


Page 65 


Jonathan is now thinking of a sales “apartment”—depart¬ 
ment, as we should now call it,—by which he reckons that 
he may add greatly to his income. He details his plan, 
and outlines the way by which he can sell to the country 
people, and so make the desired money. But he must 
have a partner in town, some one with capital, from whom 
“Goods” can be ordered, and who will be answerable for 
the necessary supplies. If Thomas thinks well of the plan, 
will he please find for Jonathan the accommodating 
“partner”—Jonathan probably hopes that Thomas himself 
may undertake this role,—for Jonathan is certain sure, 
as the children say, that twelve thousand dollars worth 
of goods can he sold to these “valley people” annually, 
and from “25 per cent to 3314 per cent,” be made. But 
poor Jonathan had been too consistently unsuccessful to 
command Thomas’ confidence in his business judgment, 
and this plan for a sales’ “apartment” in connection with 
the Tavern, fell through. Thomas may have wisely 
thought, “One thing at a time, a man who tries to attend 
to too many matters at once, achieves success in none.” 
At all events we hear no more of this plan. 

The year dragged on, with much hard work for both 
husband and wife, and with small returns for such an 
outlay of strength and honest effort. Whatever Ramsay 
had made out of the Tavern was not duplicated by Jona¬ 
than. In Dec., he writes that they have all “been down 
with the Influenza which was highly inflammatory among 
us. We have all recovered.” He says that he has mislaid 
Thomas’ last letter, and has but a vague recollection of 
its contents. Then follows : 

“That I must leave this is most certain. At best I 
am but barely living. Where I arm to go, or what I am to 
do, I know not. I have been not only advised, but impor¬ 
tuned to go to Pittsburg, Lexington, Frankfort, Danville, 
and Cincinnati to keep Tavern. I have also been strongly 
advised to go to Pliila. for the same purpose. In some of 
these places, I have no doubt a fortune could be made; 
but I see not how servants could be procured, and without 
them it is impossible to keep a good house. I will not 
agree to keep one of any other description. The business 


Page 66 



I have no dislike to, but it is a most slavish one on a fam¬ 
ily. William thinks he has salt water on his Chartier 
place, and wishes me to look at it—to prosecute it, if I 
think favorably of the prospects. A. Boggs has offered to 
let me have a well at the Conemaugh works on terms 
favorable enough, if I should, on examination, like it. 
I have heretofore been unable to leave home to look at 
these things, or at anything else. I am landlord, bar¬ 
keeper, waiter, woodchopper, lire maker, etc. I am now 
resolved to set out next week, tho’ I should leave every 
thing in confusion. On my return I shall quote you the 
result of my jaunt.” He also tells Thomas that this was 
once a “great butter country,” that he has procured for 
him “2 Kegs” which will be sent down shortly. Then he 
goes back to the Tavern business, its possibilities and 
drawbacks, and concludes by saying,—“Another difficulty 
is in getting funds to start with. It would require a 
good deal of money or credit to form such an establish¬ 
ment as the case requires.” 

Reading between the lines, the chief reason for Jona¬ 
than’s failure in tavern-keeping at “Ligonier House” was 
that he kept a better house than the trade there warrant¬ 
ed. Hence his natural desire to go somewhere else where 
good accommodations would be duly appreciated and 
better paid for. He is still at Ligonier, however, in the 
early months of 181G, and a letter of Feb. 3rd, shows 
decided depression of spirits. He has made several visits 
to Pittsburg, but the roseate views held out by advising 
friends do not seem justified by cold facts; incidentally 
Jonathan has made sc provisional contract for ‘‘Drum’s 
House,” Greensburg, Westmoreland Co., and adds des¬ 
pondently, “I must take it, as I see no earthly thing which 
I can do.” He understands that “the present tenant has 
cleared about $1500. a year, and does not well know his 
trade. That I can and will keep a better house than he, 
will not admit of a doubt, but whether I will clear as 
much money remains to be tried.” Tavern-keeping now 
seems far less promising than it did at first, yet once in 
the toils, poor Jonathan sees, for the present, no escape. 
He has written “some time ago to James for assistance, 


Page 67 


but have had no answer. If he does not assist pretty 
liberally I shall be unable to commence on a decent scale, 
and do not wish to commence on any other.” Jonathan 
has also thought of teaching again, and, when in Pitts¬ 
burg, made inquiry there as to the possibility of a bi¬ 
weekly newspaper; but for this he had not “even a whis¬ 
per of encouragement.” Then he again asks about the 
Board-of-Health Lottery Ticket, and closes the letter by 
saying, “I know not whither... .to direct my attention. 
I am sometimes like the tall son of Kish, “struck by the 
chill and spirit-quenching hand of blank despair.” 

Well, he went to Greensburg, first to keep the tavern, 
and later to take up teaching again, something he seems 
to have shrunk from, yet a calling for which he was well 
fitted. His mind was unusually bright, quick, absorbent, 
and suggestive; he seems to have been patient and pains¬ 
taking, and no doubt, made an excellent teacher. In this 
first letter from Greensburg, dated May 2d, 1816, Jona¬ 
than writes in a retrospective and explanatory mood. He 
has been urged to take up newspaper work again, and 
this time in New Orleans, but for once Jonathan shows 
hard common sense. “In the whole of our widely extended 
domains, there is no State more unfriendly to health or 
the rearing of children than Orleans. The climate and 
my constitution are as ill-suited as climate and constitu¬ 
tion can well be. So bilious is my habit.. .that I have but 
escaped but a single summer within the last 14 years 
from an attack” (of ague and fever). “I am well aware 
that wherever we may be located, or called by duty, the 
number of our days is in the hands of the Almighty, but 
humanly speaking I should feel little probability of sur¬ 
viving in Orleans a single summer.” Then he goes on to 
tell why he quitted “Legonier House,” a place which seem¬ 
ed at first so promising, a*nd where “Col. Kamsay” had 
made money. For Thomas has evidently expressed re¬ 
gret at what appears to him an impulsive action. But 
Jonathan frankly says that the experiment was from the 
outset a failure, he did nothing but “sink money.” “In a 
former letter you express astonishment at this, and seem 
to think it impossible, as my home had a good name, etc. 

Pago 68 


It had a good name, was kept with economy, and yet did 
not support itself. I kept but one boy for hostling, pro¬ 
vision-hunting, wood-chopping and everything else, so 
that besides being landlord and barkeeper, I was occasion¬ 
ally waiter, butler, chopper, fire-maker, myself. Mrs. F. 
(Henrietta) kept but two girls, sometimes but one, and 
labored incessantly herself, from daylight till night, and 
frequently till midnight. Yet we sank money. It arose 
from the enormous price to which provisions had risen, as 
well as wages, and its being a poor distance for a night 
stand.” 

All this was perfectly natural and inevitable. Jona¬ 
than had failed to apply his knowledge of history, and 
of cause and effect. During, at the close, and after, the 
War of 1812, provisions and wages were, if anything, even 
higher by comparison than during our War just ended. 
He had not reckoned on certain economic conditions, and 
hence his failure. It was unfortunate, but humanly speak¬ 
ing, a very pardonable error of judgment. 

So he now opened a school in Greensburg, a much the 
largest and at much the highest price of any here... .its 
reputation is bringing scholars from a distance. It is 
worth now about $1100. a year. This is, however, a poor 
business were a better one to offer. I do not know the 
reason of it, but I never had the luck or the skill to 
manage anything beyond a school successfully. The peo¬ 
ple here recommended me to the Governor for the appoint¬ 
ment of Notary Public.This would help me a little, 

but William, to whom I forwarded the papers, thinks it 
inexpedient to present them. I do not see that it could 
injure him, but I must submit.” 

Here, early in August, was born the second son and 
child, James, of whom his father says, “he is a goodly 
size—and thrives well.” 

Then on September 23rd, Jonathan writes to Thomas 
a long letter which speaks for itself: 

“Brother Thomas: 

I have at length hit upon a scheme by which, if I can 
only put it in execution, I can make money and attain to 
an easy competence. The first step... .is to purchase the 


Page 69 




tract of land belonging to you and Nathan near W. John¬ 
ston’s. The next is to trade it to William for an interest 
in his salt works. This being secured, I would leave the 
works in the management of Tom (who now manages, and 
is a clever fellow), would appropriate the proceeds to 
the payment of the land and the extinguishment of other 
debts, and in the meantime would support my family by 
some other means. This is no utopian thing but a plain, 
practical, common sense matter. One great reason for my 
being anxious to realize it is, that it depends on no nice 
calculations, or skill and dexterity in business, but is 
plain sailing all through. The interest I should be thus 
able to secure would not make me wealthy, but it would 
make me easy.” 

Then he goes on to speak of the price of the land, of 
values in general, of Thomas’ retaining the title to the 
land, if he so prefers. “If you let me have it, I believe I 
can turn it greatly to my advantage in a way that would 
not hurt either of you. I shall write to Nathan today- 

on the subject, etc.I wish you would write me as 

early as convenient, that I may know what your views 
are, and what calculations I ought to make. 

Affc. all well, 

Your brother 

J. S. Findlay. 

Apparently this “scheme ” was too involved and 
chimerical to satisfy the more level-headed and business¬ 
like Thomas, and, much as he loved his brother and de¬ 
sired to aid him, he must by this time have realized that 
Jonathan’s business capacity was slight,—he had every 
kind of sense but common sense. There is one more letter 
of 1816 that throws some light on the family. It is written 
on Dec. 9th, 1816, from Georgetown, D. C., by Miss Caro¬ 
line Webster to “Mrs. H. C. D. Findlay,” then paying a 
visit of two or three weeks in Mercersburg. The letter is 
purely personal and highly feminine. It tells nothing in 
all its three closely written pages, save that Mrs. D‘Argen 
has returned to Georgetown, and is staying with friends, 
the McDaniels. As Mrs. D’Argen was devoted to her only 

Page 7 0 



child, this temporary separation may have been caused by 
the uncertain fortunes of the family. Mother and daugh¬ 
ter were tenderly attached, and the mother, until now, 
had shared Henrietta’s cares and anxieties. At all events, 
according to this letter she returned to Georgetown at the 
close of this year, and possibly remained there until the 
family went West in 1818. 

The two letters of 1817 are chiefly political. William 
Findlay, the second brother, was a candidate for the 
Governorship of Fenn. His opponent was Joseph Heister, 
supported by a wing of the Democrats, and by what was 
left of the once all-powerful, but now almost defunct, 
Federalist party. Jonathan had always inclined to the 
Federalists, apparently, but his heart and soul were now 
in his brother’s candidacy and possible election. Talk of 
“mudslinging” in these days, and of charges and counter¬ 
charges,—they are as nothing when compared with the 
virulence of one hundred years ago. Speech was indeed 
violent, and men gave all license to their tongues. What 
political tact and acumen Jonathan showed is hard to 
tell. He ardently desired his brother’s election, but prob¬ 
ably his own opinions were well known, aud his course 
may not have been easy. So he writes to Thomas accord- 
ingly: 

“It is not easy for me to do anything here respecting 
the election, yet I do contrive to have some things done. 
There has been the most ridiculous management that ever 
was heard of. These denials were indescribably absurd. 
(What “these denials” were, or why necessary, is not 
told). “They have caused molehills... .to be magnified 
into mountains. And the misery of it was I was left com¬ 
pletely in the dark, and joined in the denial most unequi- 
vocably on the faith of Peacock, and it is very awkward 
to explain after having denied; though at first it would 
have been easy. The election will, it is thought by most, 
be a light one, but my own opinion is, that if William 

carry at all, he will carry by a large majority.From 

the best information I can get, I am sanguine of the 
result” etc. 


Page 71 


The election came off in October, and William won 
by the handsome majority of 7059. There is extant only 
part of a letter written on the night of the election; in 
this Jonathan says: 

t/ 

“Old Gen. St. Clair, labouring under the decrepitude 
of 84 years, came from home 12 miles for the purpose of 
voting for William... .Our election has ended peaceably, 
very much to my satisfaction, and I may say to my dis¬ 
appointment. Some ill blood had been previously excited, 
but all today was good humour,” etc. Whatever the 
“denials” that made “explanation awkward” may have 
been, or whatever errors of political judgment Jonathan 
may have committed, his pleasure in his brother’s well 
deserved success was whole-hearted enough. For family 
affection and brotherly love among these six Findlay’s are 
two of their strongest and most attractive traits. 


Page 72 


Chapter V. 

From the Going West to the Missouri Convention. 

In the late Spring of 1818, Jonathan and his wife 
carried out a momentous decision,—which was to go 
West, and try for new fortunes in the new country. So 
far as Jonathan himself was concerned it was not so 
much of a venture. He had been for two or three years 
in Cincinnati, and had travelled more or less extensively 
through the then habitable western country; but for his 
young wife, with her mother and little children, this 
hazard of new fortunes required no small degree of cour¬ 
age. Just when the family quitted Greensburg is not 
recorded. They went from there to Chambersburg, and 
in wagons “drawn by large horses from Chambersburg 
to Pittsburg.” From Pittsburg the travellers went on a 
raft down the Ohio to its junction with the Mississippi, 
then on a “flat-boat” up the Mississippi to the Missouri, 
and up the Missouri to Chariton, where they disembarked 
and made their first home. There was a small room, or 
enclosed shed on the “flatboat,” which served as a living 
room for the women and children. How long a time such 
a journey required, where were its stopping-places, what 
its adventures, we do not know. But it must have made 
in later years a thrilling and fascinating story which 
Henrietta, when a grandmother, used to tell her grand¬ 
children. One of these, Mrs. Emma Chick Moore, says 
that Jonathan Findlay brought with him the first mill— 
a saw mill,—“that was brought west of St. Louis, and 
set it up in Old Chariton.” This mill was burned several 
years later, which untoward accident may have been the 
cause of the move to Franklin. So far says family tradi¬ 
tion. But from a “History of Howard and Chariton Coun¬ 
ties, Missouri,” compiled by Judge C. Applegate, St. Louis 
Historical Society, 1883,—is taken the following: 


Page 73 


“Jho. M. Peck, D. D., visited Chariton in January, 
1819, and while there was a guest of General Duff Green. 
In speaking of his visit in his Memoir, he thus writes of 
the town, its location, and its people. 

‘Chariton, containing about 30 families, has been laid 
off on a stream of the same name. In the winter of 1816- 
1817 it was the wintering ground of a tribe of Indians. 
The following summer three of the four log cabins were 
erected. Within a year the increase has been rapid, and 
in view of trade and business it is thought to be superior 
to any station on the Missouri. On the Sabbath (Jan. 3rd), 
though in constant pain from a swollen and inflamed face, 
I preached at 12 o’clock, and again at night. There are 
several very respectable and intelligent families in the 
town, and several unquestionably pious. At night I called 
the attention of the ladies to the formation of a “Female 
Mite Society” to aid the United Society for the spread of 
the Gospel, in sustaining some of our preachers in travel¬ 
ling and preaching in destitute settlements. This little 
Society was formed the following week, with 22 Members, 
who subscribed $36.00. The officiating persons chosen 
were, Mrs. Lucretia M. Green, Pres.; Mrs. Henrietta C. D. 
Findlay, Secy.; Mrs. Polly Allen, Treas.; Mrs. Mary Ann 
Campbell and Miss Annie Green, Assistant Directors. In 
the following Spring the first Sabbath School west of St. 
Louis was commenced in Chariton. It became auxiliary to 
the Philadelphia Sunday and Adult School Union, which 
was the progenitor of the American Sunday School Union. 
About this period the Baptist Missionaries held some cor¬ 
respondence and had some thoughts of making Chariton a 
station for the Western Missions 

From the above extract we learn several interesting 
facts concerning Chariton, facts that are altogether re¬ 
liable, because they were written contemporaneously 
with the existence of the things therein mentioned. The 
first election that was held in the county occurred in 

1819 for delegates to Congress.The second election 

was held in 1820, for the purpose of electing five delegates 
to the Convention to form a State Constitution. Benj. 
Reeves, N. S. Burckhart, Duff Green, Jonathan S. Find- 


Page 7 4 



lay, and John Ray were elected. “The first stone mill 
was erected near the town of Old Chariton in 1829 by a 
man named Findlay. This was destroyed by fire in the 
winter of 1823-24, and was a great misfortune to the 
people in this region of the country. The first Circuit 
Court that convened in the County of Chariton met on 
the 26th day of February 1821 in, the town of Chariton. 
The first suit was entitled, James McGrimgly, plaintiff, 
against Jonathan S. Findlay, defendant, and was based 
upon a petition to foreclose a mortgage.” 

We have here a very good picture of that early pioneer 
life, and of what the Findlays found when they settled in 
their new home. Two years before their arrival Chariton 
had been a “wintering place for a tribe of Indians.” 
This speaks well for the climate and water possibilities, 
for the Indians always chose wisely their winter quarters. 
How new and crude it was, how comfortless according to 
our modern ideas, may be left to the imagination. But 
these early settlers had brave hearts and willing hands, 
and the universal spirit of helpfulness in such communi¬ 
ties went far to better hard conditions. 

One of the most interesting of the letters, and the 
longest—twelve pages,—is written from Chariton on 
August 3rd, 1818, and informs Thomas of the family’s 
arrival. To make this history more consecutive, I have 
changed the placing of one paragraph, otherwise the letter 
is given intact: 

Chariton, Aug. 3d, 1818. 

Brother Thomas: 

Expecting for some time that you were out travelling 
for the benefit of your health, I knew not where to address 
you. Hence your favor of the 29th May has lain for some 
weeks unacknowledged. Findlay & Van Lear have been 
advised of the receipt of their instructions relative to the 
purchase of lands. 

I arrived here with my family on the 16th of June, 
—and on the 17th I unloaded my boat and stowed away 
my plunder, as furniture is here called, among my neigh¬ 
bors, on the 18th commenced burning brush on my lot, 
and on the 27th dined at home, having raised a two-story 


Page 75 


house, 18 feet by 22,—a one story kitchen of the same 
size and a smoke house. I am now driving away at my 
Mill. Beatty says she shall be cutting a saw by the 28th 
of Sept., the day of our next sales. I have worked very 
hard, and have fine health. My family are in health, 
and stood the journey well, and behaved like philosophers. 

Tho’ I used every exertion to get here sooner, I was 
not, from the difficulty of the ascending navigation from 
the mouth of the Ohio, able to reach Franklin till the 
latter end of June. I immediately took a ride through a 
portion of the country, and was struck with an opinion 
that the section of country around and back of this place 
was the most promising portion of the Boon’s Lick coun¬ 
try. It is better watered, better supplied with stone and 
timber, and the surface (is) more undulating than a 
great proportion of the country, and the soil is uniformly 
as rich as soil can be. I happened to be here on the morn¬ 
ing on which a publick sale of lots was to take place. I 
was offered an interest in the town on terms I thought 
highly advantageous, provided I would settle here. I 
closed with the offer, and before the sales closed, my por¬ 
tion of the proceeds fell but 45 dollars short of the whole 
purchase money, and I have fully ll/12ths of the prop¬ 
erty left. I have no doubt that this is destined to be the 
greatest town of the territory. It is situated on a remark¬ 
able great bend of the Missouri, very inadequately repre¬ 
sented on any of the maps I have seen, which projects it 
into the heart of the countrv. It is at the mouth of the 
Grand Chariton river, which consists of two branches 
uniting their waters within the town plat. Both those 
branches are navigable and run through one of the most 
fertile countries on earth. We have the best harbor for 
boats on the river, and the town is surrounded by water 
3/4ths of its circumference. The great road from the 
Eastern states must pass through it. It (the road) will 
here divide into two branches—the one crossing Chariton 
to the Grand river country, and the country above on the 
north of Missouri,—and the other crossing the Missouri 
to ascend westwardly to the Kansas, etc. I have no ques¬ 
tion in my own mind that the property I have secured 


Page 76 


here now will in less than a dozen years be worth more 
than 100 thousand dollars. This you may perhaps think 
extravagant, but it is sober truth. It is in all other re¬ 
spects equal to Cincinnati, and has the two Charitons as 
a decided advantage over it. The property I now hold 
here would be in Cincinnati worth more than three mil¬ 
lions of dollars. I have not time to go freely into this 
subject, but I must add a few more remarks in the same 
crude manner as the foregoing. (I am scribbling letters 
as fast as possible to send by a messenger to the post 
office, 25 miles distant). This will be the head of steam¬ 
boat navigation. It will at least be so for a great many 
years; for besides the difficulty of ascending in steam 
boats above this point, there is no site for a rival town, 
or for a town of any consequence on this side of the 
Kansas, and it is doubtful whether that will answer a 
good purpose. If it should, the Indian title is not yet 
extinguished, and after that event has taken place, a 
considerable time must elapse before the country can be 
surveyed, sold and settled sufficiently to maintain a town. 
Besides, the tract of rich country there is not so great 
as here. It is very rich indeed, but is confined to a com¬ 
paratively small strip along the south bend of the river. 
Well, then, steam boats and large barges will ascend the 
country to this point, and here they will be met by the 
smaller craft of the Charitons and the upper Missouri 
loaded with the bulky products of the fertile banks which 
they irrigate. This will be shipped on board the larger 
vessels for Orleans, and the small boats will re-ascend, 
laden with the foreign articles brought hither by the 
large ones. The mouth of Grand river will not answer 
for a town. It is indeed a beautiful place, but that river, 
through a considerable part of its course, runs through a 
poor and broken country—it has none or but little timber 
near its mouth, and above all the Missouri is rapidly leav¬ 
ing it.If you should ever remove to this country, 

this must be your point if you intend to be concerned in 
trade. If you mean to take your ease on a country-seat, 
near this must be your location, for here will be the best 
society, and the most liberal publick institutions. The 
town and the settlement around are yet in the very 

Pace 77 



germ. Neither is 18 months old; but both have been 
populated so far by the most orderly and industrious race 
of people I have ever found in a frontier country. I do 
not expect the trade of this country will present an object 
worthy the attention of any other than a retail-dealer in 
small wares, for a couple of years. Until they have their 
lands in some part paid for, and pretty well reduced to 
cultivation, our farmers will purchase nothing but articles 
of the first necessity, and we shall have no surplus articles 
of produce for exportation, of an amount worthy of notice, 

previous to the fall of 1820.In three years this country 

will be as thickly settled as any part of Franklin county. 
Owing to some cause, the officers of our Land Office have 
not yet arrived in Franklin. Sales therefore cannot take 
place on the first of Sept, as was designed. This will be 
of serious injury to hundreds, and particularly to myself. 
I had calculated on making the first payment of my pur¬ 
chases from my commission money. That hope is now 
cut off. The calculation was a fair one when I made it, 
and has failed through causes which I could not control. 
Within one month of this I must raise two thousand dol¬ 
lars, or sacrifice the advantages w T hich I have gained. To 
the latter I cannot bring myself to consent. I must go to 
St. Louis and negotiate bills on James, or on Geo. Sutton 
w r lio will, to pay them, draw on F. & V. Lear. Before this 
becomes due, the November sales will take place, and I can 
repay F. & V. L. with part of my commission money. My 
friends must help me through this one difficulty more, 
and I think I can then confidently assure them that I 
shall be able to stand on my own legs. The pressure on 
me now is but for a short time. Sale money will become 
due in two months. Another sale will take place the 28th 
Sept., one fourth to be cash; 100 acres of land which I 
own adjoining Franklin, I shall be able to convert in part 
into cash in a few weeks, and I expect my saw mill to 
run early in October, and if she should do well, she will 
bring in cash rapidly. Beatty, who manages for me, says 
she will clear $60. a day. But all this does not enable 
me to pay $2000. the first of Sept., which must be done 
by anticipating my Baltimore commissions, by bills cir- 


Page 78 


cuitously if I can negotiate them, or directly if there be 
another way. I shall write Finley & Van Lear, S. Eager 
& Co., and brother James by this mail on the subject. 
You are mistaken in supposing the banks of the great 
river unhealthy. They are high and dry, and the settlers 
flushed with health. But all the good tracts along the 
margin of the Missouri are either held on pre-emption 
rights, or covered by New Madrid claims. I cannot there¬ 
fore purchase the kind of tract you describe at the publick 
sales. Indeed, were there no previous claims it could not 
be done as the lands will all be offered in quarter sections, 
and other bidders would interfere with the acquisition of 
a large tract. I could now procure for you some choice 
lands by the purchase of New Madrid claims, but the 
holders want all cash, or very short payments, which 
would not very well suit. I presume that some of them 
may be had on easy terms of payment, and if so, I shall 
in this way, invest a part of your funds. 

If you could transport yourself hither with the com¬ 
mand of only $20,000, you could acquire more wealth 
with more ease to yourself than you or your children will 
ever have any use for, and I do hope, entirely regain your 
health, which is far better. 

I shall write to Geo. Williams by this mail, offering 
him a concern in a speculation by which a vast sum of 
money may be made. It is the purchase of select patents 
in the Grand river military district. I will furnish a list 
of the patents to be purchased, and he must find the cash. 
I will attend (I and my partner, for I shall have a 
partner), to the sale, settlement, etc., of the lands... .and 
charge the company for nothing but the actual expendi¬ 
tures. As sales are made, the purchase money and ex¬ 
penditures shall be repaid with 8 per cent interest, and 
the remaining lands shall be a common property belonging 
equally to us who furnish the information and those who 
advance the purchase money. It is very reasonable to 
put the clear advance in two years at $5. an acre... .Many 
of the quarter sections are worth $8. as they now lie. 

You write very gloomily of your health, which gives 
me great pain. I hope the trip will completely restore 

Page 79 



you.I should be extremely pleased if you could come 

on here, and have no doubt you would make important in¬ 
vestments before your return. 

Finding I could not obtain a water seat (site), I am 
determined to build a pawing-mill, as they are sometimes 
called, that is, one impelled by the weight of oxen moving 
on an inclined plane. I have written to Maher telling him 
of the change of plan arising from necessity, and leaving 
it to himself whether to continue the partnership, or that 
I would return him the money by him advanced ($1000.) 
next Spring, with a proper consideration for the use of it. 
.... I have made this letter tediously long, and could yet 
find more to say, but have others to write. 

Farewell, 

J. S. Findlay. 

The mail waits to close.We have no other mail 

for two weeks.” 

If only ready cash had been at all commensurate with 
hopes, irised dreams, visions of vast wealth,—how much 
money Jonathan might have made! But from this letter 
one can clearly perceive the mingled shrewdness and im¬ 
practicability of the writer. He saw the present promise- 
crammed, but all those roseate promises were based upon 
IFS. He saw facts, but not all the facts, and still less 
all the implications of these facts. What capital he had 
was evidently borrowed, and he had rushed into land- 
speculation without questioning the possibility of mis¬ 
carriage or mishap, such as the postponement of certain 
land sales beyond the time when his first indebtedness was 
to fall due. Thus he was hampered from the first. His 
scheme of things was far too large and comprehensive for 
the present narrow realities of a frontier and pioneer life; 
so we are not surprised though very sorry, when we read 
that the first suit in Chariton was one to foreclose a 
mortgage, and that Jonathan was the defendant. But 
land speculation was at that time rife, and literally thou¬ 
sands fell victims. All heard of the few, glittering suc¬ 
cesses, a lure to the unwary,—and took no account of the 
many failures. What Thomas thought of all these hopes 


Page 80 



and schemes that drew so heavily on the future, does not 
appear; for Thomas himself was facing hard times. Com¬ 
ing events were casting their shadows before, and the 
financial condition of the country was causing widespread 
concern. That Thomas himself was involved, Jonathan 
evidently did not at first know, for on May 24th, 1819, 
he writes: 

“I am extremely sorry to hear of the fiscal embarrass¬ 
ments which exist in your country. I had based my cal¬ 
culations on the punctuality of my Balt, employers, and 
their failure has thrown me into an extremely unpleasant 
situation. If my letters containing a draft on Maher, and 
making you overtures here for money have not reached 
you, and induced you to meet James’ drafts, I know not 
what to do. I am trying to force a sale of property to 
raise cash, and will forward it to the East immediately, 
if I succeed; but it is very difficult to do now from the 
scarcity of money, great quantity of property on market, 
etc., etc. As the property I have acquired is really desir¬ 
able, and as I will let it go for cash at one half its nominal 
worth, I hope soon to effect a sale of some of it, and re¬ 
lease myself and friends from pressure. 

I have a boy three weeks old today, doing well,.. .not 
yet named. Henrietta has been exceedingly ill, and I had 
for a time given over hopes for her recovery, but she is 
now doing well, and I hope will soon be completely re¬ 
stored. 

My prospects, except in so far as they have been 
blighted by disappointments, are very good, and I am 
every day more and more convinced of the great future 
possibilities of this country. Property has risen so much 
since my arrival, that I can sell off low enough to pay my 
debts, and have something clever left.The Pennsyl¬ 

vanians are going to the mischief... .Congress have no 
more right to lav us under restrictions than the grand 
Turk. You know I have no slave-driving principles about 
me, but we have a right to settle that point ourselves. 

Health and respect, 

J. S. Findlay/’ 


Page 81 



The mails at this time, both to and from, the western 
country were very irregular; some of Jonathan’s letters 
had gone astray, and he was much troubled thereat. And 
sometimes the mails were robbed. So on June 7th of this 
year, he writes: 

‘‘Two days since I was favored with your letter of the 
3rd May, the first I have ever received in this country by 
due course of Mail.” Then he speaks of the extreme irre¬ 
gularity of the mails during the Winter and Spring, and 
says that though he has written many letters, in one of 
which he enclosed a draft for twenty-five hundred dollars 
to Maher,—he has heard nothing of these letters since, and 
adds: 

“I am extremely concerned to hear of the great money 
pressure that exists in the Atlantic cities, as well as in the 
country generally. It will crush many a worthy man 
beneath its weight. It is rapidly spreading westwardly, 
and will soon reach us. I am so fully convinced of this 
that I shall... .effect a sale of a great portion of the prop¬ 
erty I have acquired in this country, and though I shall 
have to sell at prices greatly less than a few years, in an 
unembarrassed state, would produce, yet it will be the 
wisest policy, and will leave me abundance, with economy 
and industrv, to maintain and educate mv familv. The 
land entries you mention shall be made as you direct. I 

most heartily wish that you were here with us.You 

could amply provide for your family, and in a few years 
could live as well in every respect as you do in Balt., bar¬ 
ring a few luxuries. We have a most fertile soil, a healthy 
climate, an enterprising population, a river capable of 
everyday navigation except a few weeks in winter, and to 
crown all, the current of popular opinion sets strong in 
our favor. I shall soon write sister (Thomas’ wife) a 
long letter, in which I shall paint the roads, and country, 
and society really as they are, and as Henrietta will cer¬ 
tify it. Our society, I have good reason to hope, will 
be pleasant and respectable. We are determined to en¬ 
courage good schools, and are now seeking arrangements 
to build a handsome brick schoolhouse, which will be 
finished this fall. It will also answer temporarily as a 
preaching house. Bishop D. has not yet opened his semi- 

Page 82 



nary (?) at St. Louis-We were a few days since visited 

by the steam boat Independence from Louisville, and 
expect every day three more on their ascent of the Mis¬ 
souri. With them Gov. Jessup, whom I shall be glad 
to see. 

To insure this letter a safer passage than hence by 
mail, I shall send it by a private hand to St. Louis, and 
hope it will reach you.” 

He then tells Thomas that Beatty, the man who was 
managing the mill, is now quite sick, and another young 
man, Campbell, is ill with “fever and ague, which he 
brought from Illinois,” Jonathan is careful to add. “Hen¬ 
rietta has recovered, and our little boy begins to grow; 
we have not yet named him.” They eventually named him 
Henry. 

The tone of this letter is cheerful, and Jonathan 
evidently looks forward hopefully to Thomas’ joining him 
in this near-Eldorado. But Thomas, though he made land 
investments at Jonathan’s suggestion and advice, never 
seems seriously to have considered the thought of “going 
West.” All his business associations were with Baltimore, 
his business life had been led there, and he probably felt 
that it was wiser to begin again in the place where his 
reputation was established than to seek new fortunes else¬ 
where. For Thomas was now facing more than hard 
times. Business depression or stagnation, which had 
followed hard upon the war, was now general throughout 
the country, and individuals and business houses were 
alike failing. Thomas was among them, though the exact 
nature and extent of his losses are not given. Perhaps 
his poor health had hindered his full attention to business, 
and had proved a factor in his temporary overthrow. 
But when this misfortune befell a brother as generous and 
affectionate as Thomas, Jonathan showed himself to be 
made of true metal, and to be deeply appreciative of all 
the kindness he had received. From Chariton, July 3rd, 
1819, comes this letter: 

“Dear Brother: 

Yesterday’s mail brought me two of your favors under 
date of the 13th and 23rd of May respectively. The latter, 


Page 83 


which informs me of the effect which the present confirmed 
state of the Commercial world has produced on your per¬ 
sonal affairs, was read with heartfelt regret and heartfelt 
sympathy. It drew tears from a source whence they never 
flowed before on any occasion since the death of our be¬ 
loved sister Nancy. After so long a struggle so zealously 
urged, faithfully maintained, such a termination is in 
every way to be lamented. It mars those fond hopes and 
calculations wliich parental affection delights to indulge 
itself in, and mortifies that honest and laudable pride 
which seeks an exemption from dependence, and which 
loves to form for itself a wider sphere of usefulness. 

But though your losses must have been great and 
though your mortifications from your habitual feelings 
and principles must be extreme, yet all is not lost, nor 
hope extinct, though deferred. You have still left to 
you... .your health, your comparative youth, your exper¬ 
ience, your habits of industry, your knowledge of business 
and men, your family to stimulate to exertion, and, 
what is above all, you have yet left, .your unsullied char¬ 
acter. With these, in the blooming, growing West, you 
may soon retrieve past misfortunes and ere two years 
enjoy the ‘glorious knowledge of being independent. If 
your affairs should wind up as you expect, I shall greatly 
rejoice. You will be left in possession of more than suffi¬ 
cient funds to establish yourself in our country to advan¬ 
tage. If, from your connection with other persons, all 
should be taken, if I do not greatly mistake, I shall have 
enough for both. And whatever I have is yours, at least 
the free use, the full enjoyment, and if necessary the en¬ 
tire property of a moiety of it shall be yours. This would 
be nothing more than gratitude would demand of me, but 
it is not so much gratitude as brotherly affection would 
prompt me.I am not in possession of active and trans¬ 

missible funds at present, you do not expect it, on the 

contrary I am limited in my cash means.And though 

I do not possess enough to make us both rich, I do possess 
enough... .to give us both a fair start, and by industry 
and economy to provide for our families in comfort, Come, 
then, as soon as your affairs will permit you, with your 

Page 84 




interesting and amiable group, and join us here.Come, 

and avail yourself of the advantages which this wonderful 
country presents to your industry and enterprise. Come 
where, with or without wealth, you will be hailed with joy 
and gladness by me and by my wife, whose joys and griefs 
and sympathies are ever the same with mine... .Henrietta 
joins me, and feelingly joins me in affectionate remem¬ 
brance to Sister and the little ones 

Your ever affectionate brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay.” 

If there was ever a heart in the right place, it was 
Jonathan’s whatever we may think of his business head. 
For, like the chameleon, Jonathan fed on air, promise- 
crammed, and always saw radiant visions to be realized 
in a very near future. Yet after all, he was only one of 
many. For if we now take a map of Missouri, and look for 
any realisation of those rich hopes, we see how vain they 
were. Chariton county is there, and the river that Jona¬ 
than believed was to bear on its bosom a wealth of trade, 
but the town, instead of becoming a trade emporium, 
is no longer in existence. It proved to be one of the many 
temporary settlements of a new country that are here to¬ 
day and are deserted tomorrow. The “current of opinion 
that set so strong” in Chariton’s favor, in a few years set 
more strongly in another direction, and swept that “in¬ 
dustrious population” with it. Jonathan went with the 
tide, he could do nothing else, and, after the burning of his 
mill, quitted Chariton for Franklin. And Thomas did 
not yield to his brother’s persuations and rosy pictures, 
and did not go West; and before long Jonathan himself 
began to see things in a more subdued light In 1820, 
January 25th, we have the last of his letters. It is a long 
one, and bespeaks a more conservative view of present 
conditions and future possibilities. Even so sanguine a 
soul as Jonathan’s began to have some misgivings, and, 
for all his rainbow hopes, to take a truer measure of men 
and things. 

Chariton, Jan. 25th, 1820. 

Brother Thomas: 

Owing to an absence from home of nearly 7 weeks, 
I had not the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 10th 

Page 85 



of November until yesterday.I do not know how to 

furnish you with a list of goods suitable for our market. 

1 am not sufficiently skilled in such matters to make it 

out myself, and our dealers are adventurers on a small 
scale, mere stationary peddlers, making all the advantage 
they can of times and necessities, anxious to prevent the 
settlement of any man disposed to do business regularly 
and liberally. I do not believe that either of them would 
furnish such a list, and I shall not ask them. I shall go 
to Franklin in a few days, where perhaps I can gain some 
knowledge on the subject, if so I shall impart it.Mean¬ 

time you may govern yourself by the following general 
hints. The country, though new, contains perhaps as 
great a proportion of respectable and moderately wealthy 
people as the southern counties of Kentucky, say about 
Hopkinsville and Kusselville. These would buy some 
clothes and some articles of household furniture of decent 
quality and price. But the mass of the population are 
either poor, or have been raised in a manner that does not 
include the decencies of life within its comforts. These 
buy nothing but necessaries, (among which a few grocer¬ 
ies are included). But altogether a good many groceries 
may be sold here. A regular supply has never been kept. 
There are none now in the country, and coffee would 
retail at $1. per lb. The best class of people of whom I 
have spoken will manufacture a considerable portion of 
their own clothing from flax and cotton, and some from 
wool. We have no tanners yet, therefore leather shoes 
and boots are good articles. We have no iron works, 
therefore bar iron, castings, nails, hoes, mattocks, spades, 
shovels, etc., etc., are good articles. Hats, for a time, will 
do well, also cheap saddlery. A little first rate brandy 
and wine would sell even at a high price, but most of 
your liquors ought to be of inferior quality and cheap. 
A few bbls. old peach and apple brandy would bear a 
profit. Cordage is in demand, from leading lines up to 

2 inch cable. A good assortment of Delft ware would bear 
a good profit, and a few sets breakfast china. A few 
good cloths and Kerseymeres would sell, and a good many 
coarse cloths and domestick cottons. Flannels are a good 


Page 86 




article. Salt works on a liberal scale would be lucrative 
here... .Salt can be made for fifty cents a bushel, or less, 
including all expenses. It has been selling here from 2 
to 2.50 per bushel, but when competition increases would 
probably settle down to $1.25 as a regular price, but may 
vaccilate, (sic) from 1 to 1.50. 

You can judge of the profits. There is no iron ore yet 
discovered in our part of the territory. There is abun¬ 
dance of it in the northern counties where there is water 
power. Beatty thinks steam power could not be advan¬ 
tageously employed in the manufacture of iron.” 

Then Jonathan tells Thomas that he is in debt to 
Maher for one thousand dollars, has tried to borrow from 
some one who promised to lend as “soon as possible; but 
a few days afterwards his store, books, notes, etc., were 
burnt, and not anything saved. About the same time he 
lost some valuable real property by what I am convinced 
was false swearing. He was unable to pay. If I had 
sued him, he would only have gone to jail, and I will 
make myself the instrument of putting no man to jail 
for money. He is now gone to the eastward, penniless, 
to confront his creditors.” 

There has been much sickness during the past year, 
and Thomas has evidently been making searching inquiries 
as to the health of this vaunted community. Jonathan 
replies at length, and assures his brother that there is 
no more healthful spot on earth, and says, “Years of un¬ 
usual sickness occasionally recur in the most healthful 
counties, witness our native vale in 1804. We are free 
from much, and our air is dry, light, and elastick. Times 
have become very hard with us. Money is extremely 
scarce. Though more emigrants last year came among us 
than any previous year, few sales are effected, almost 
none. I have been offering property at a very reduced 
price ineffectually. Though all my speculations have been 
thought judicious, and some of them excellent, yet from 
the change of times I shall have hard squeezing to get 
through,—that is, I shall find it difficult to maintain my 
credit, for there is no danger of an actual failure, for I 
hold unembarrassed property even at the most depressed 


Page 87 


valuation, greatly to exceed my debts. I have lately been 
to St. Louis, endeavoring to finance a little, but found it 
impossible to raise ways and means. I am at present in 
a serious strait for 12 to 1500 (hundred dollars) for the 
‘medium’, as Col. Johnson says. 

My family is all well. The lower gudgeon of my mill 
gave way some time ago, I was obliged to take it down 
to put in a new one. This, in good weather, I could have 
effected in 12 days, but so impossible has been the season 
that I have already lost six weeks, and she will not be 
in motion for 2 or 3 days to come. This is a pretty severe 
loss these hard times... .You must give me timely notice 
of your arrival, that I may have a shed provided for you. 
My youngest boy, Henry, is a noble fellow. He looks a 
little like your Alexander. Remember me to Sister, and 
accept my assurances of bro. affec. 

J. S. Findlay.” 

This letter probably put the quietus on Thomas’ in¬ 
tention of going West, since here, for once, Jonathan 
comes down to earth, to the hard actual facts of the bare 
and exacting frontier life. Here we see things as they 
really are, the meagre living, the few opportunities, a life 
reduced to the low terms of the frontier. Thomas was 
hardly ready and willing to compete with two “stationary 
peddlers” in an attempt to sell bare necessities, and we 
know that he now definitely abandoned any project of 
joining Jonathan in the “Western country.” The East, 
with its definite scale of living, and its more varied wants 
and desires, far exceeded in business opportunities any¬ 
thing that the West could then offer. 

But the record of Jonathan’s life, so fully revealed by 
his letters, covering a period of twenty-one years,—ends 
abruptly here. From now on we must have recourse to 
brief and scattered notices in the “History of Chariton 
and Howard Counties,”, from which I have already quot¬ 
ed, and from “Missouri’s Struggle for Statehood,” by Mr. 
Floyd Calvin Shoemaker, “Secretary of the State Histori¬ 
cal Society of Missouri.” Also “The Quarterly Publica¬ 
tions of the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio,” 
being Selections from the Torrance Papers, throw much 


Page 88 



light upon Jacksonian politics, and upon the political 
activities of four of the Findlay brothers, John, William, 
James, and Thomas, but tell us nothing of Jonathan. 
James Findlay was “from 1825 to 1833 the representative 
in Congress from the first Ohio district. His brother 
John, of Chambersburg, Penn., was also in the lower house 
of Congress from 1823 to 1827, and later served under 
Jackson as Postmaster of Chambersburg. William Find¬ 
lay was Governor of Pennsylvania from 1817 to 1820; was 
in the United States Senate from 1821 to 1827; and in 
1830 was appointed Treasurer of the U. S. Mint at Phila¬ 
delphia. Thomas Findlay, who was of the same family, 
although he preferred to ‘spell his name as it was pro¬ 
nounced^ ‘was Marshal for the District of Maryland under 
both Adams and Jackson. Jonathan Findlay, after a 
varied editorial experience in several states, was for a 
time Register of the Land Office in Missouri. In its 
honorable record of continuous office-holding, both of 
elective and appointive character, the history of this fam¬ 
ily can hardly be equaled. It is especially fortunate for 
our purpose that this fact forms one of the minor events 
of the Jacksonian Era.” 

(From the “Foreword” of Vol. I. 190G, No. 3, Quarter¬ 
ly Publication of the Historical and Philosophical Society 
of Ohio. Arranged and Edited by Isaac Joslin Cox, As¬ 
sistant Professor of History in the University of Cin¬ 
cinnati.) 

According to family tradition, Jonathan’s mill was 
burned about a year after its setting up; but if we follow 
the account taken from the “History of Chariton and 
Howard Counties,” the mill was not burned until 1823-24, 
and it was upon the destruction of the mill, that the fam¬ 
ily removed, first to Old Franklin and thence to Lexington. 
At all events, the family had been living in Lexington for 
several years when, “Margaret Dargen, a Native of Anne 
Arundel County, Maryland, died June 26th, 1826, in the 
66th year of her age.” So runs the inscription on her tomb¬ 
stone, and it fixes the place of the family residence at 
that time. Jonathan had been appointed to the office of 
Register three years before, and to this he added teaching 

Page 89 


again; for later both his own daughter, Margaret, and 
Juliet Ryland, her future sister-in-law, went to school to 
him. But meanwhile, let us return to Chariton, and to 
the Constitutional Convention of 1820. 


Page 90 


Chapter VI. 

Missouri's Constitutional Convention. 

As a Member of Missouri's Constitutional Convention. 

The really dramatic parts of History, those that truly 
enlarge the mind and imagination, are just the ones most 
eschewed by the usual compiler of school histories. Hence 
the reason why average boys and girls cordially detest 
history, and have to re-discover it for themselves later on. 
The romantic history of the Spanish Conquistadores and 
of the French Voyageurs, of the struggle between France 
and Spain for dominion in the New World, of the settle¬ 
ment and holding of Louisiana by the French, of its 
cession by them to Spain, of Spain's re-cession of the 
coveted territory to France again, and of Napoleon's sale, 
when First Consul, of this princely domain i to the United 
States,—all this is a long and complex history in itself. 
But the life of any individual, however obscure, if that 
life be truly told, will serve as a thread by which we must 
wind back through much that concerns the history of his 
times and of his people. Jonathan Findlay's public life 
is bound up with the history of the Louisiana Purchase, 
and the consequent struggle of Missouri for Statehood. 
Excepting our Civil War, and the weighty problems grow¬ 
ing out of the War just ended, no question that this coun¬ 
try has been called upon to face was more momentous and 
far-reaching in its effects than the “Missouri Question." 
And this question grew naturally out of racial and na¬ 
tional characteristics, out of pre-existent economic and 
social conditions, that always go to form such epochs. 

“Louisiana," so-called, was of immense extent, 
and reached from the Gulf to the North West. It 
embraced the territory now divided into the States of Ar¬ 
kansas, Kansas, Iowa, Missouri, Nebraska, the Dakotas, 
and part of Minnesota. The Spaniards thoroughly ex¬ 
plored the Gulf of Mexico, but seemed ignorant of, or 
indifferent to, the wonderful possibilities of the vast river 

Page 91 


whose delta alone rivals in richness the whole Nile basin. 
The French Adventurers, when once settled in Canada, 
sailed down the Mississippi, and dreamed a golden dream 
of future power and wealth. Iberville, in the last year 
of the seventeenth century, founded a colony near the 
mighty river’s mouth ; and in 1712 Louis XIV. granted a 
charter to Crozart of the land “Louisiana,” and in 1718 
New Orleans was founded. Those who remember their 
Washington Irving will recall his vivid picture of John 
Law and the “Mississippi Bubble” over which French 
society of that day went crazy. In 1763 Laclede sailed 
up the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, a distance of 1286 
miles, a journey of full three months, and founded the 
city of St. Louis. In 1762 France again ceded Louisiana 
to Spain, and for thirty years the territory remained sta¬ 
tionary, gaining neither in wealth nor population. Those 
that did gain wealth were the American traders, and the 
enterprising French and American settlers who took out 
Spanish Land Grants. The Revolutionary War, the sever¬ 
ance of the Colonies from the Mother Country, and the 
erection of these thirteen colonies into a self-existent na¬ 
tion, puite distracted the attention of our early statesmen 
from this Spanish owned land that then fairly cut the 
continent in half, and absorbed Florida and the new Gulf 
states. But when political matters began to run smoothly 
again, and the Anglo-Saxon had time to look about him 
and to set his house in order, this vexed question of French 
and Spanish holdings came uppermost. The early com¬ 
munications of Jefferson are filled with these matters. 
And, as we have seen from Jonathan’s letters, the closing 
of the port of New Orleans brought matters to a crisis. 
In a message to the Senate, January 11th, 1803, Jefferson 
begins: 

“Gentlemen of the Senate: 

The cession of the Spanish Province of Louisiana to 
France, and perhaps of the Floridas, and the late suspen¬ 
sion of our right of deposit at New Orleans, are events of 
primary interest to the United States.” 

Jefferson perceived the economic and political diffi¬ 
culties that might ensue, and his whole management of 


Page 92 


the matter, and its final settlement by purchase, were most 
statesmanlike. But no Act, however carefully and wisely 
drawn, ever comprehends all the possibilities of human 
nature; and one difficulty solved was like cutting off the 
Hydra’s head,—two came in its place. The chief burning 
questions that grew out of the Louisiana Purchase were 
Land Claims and Slavery. The Latin races were never 
averse from Slavery; it was one of the remainders of 
ancient Rome and her offshoots,—and slavery had been 
established in French and Spanish New World colonies 
from the time of their discovery and occupation. Along 
the Spanish Main and in the West Indies, slavery had 
existed many years before that Dutch sea-captain sold 
his five negroes to some English settlers at Jamestown in 
1620. The French and Spanish land-owners in and about 
New Orleans and the Floridas, as well as throughout the 
whole territory of Louisiana, were slave-holders, and 
worked their lands by slave labor. It is worthy of note 
that Article III. of the Treaty of Cession (of Louisiana 
to the United States) reads: 

“The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be in¬ 
corporated in the Union of the United States, and ad¬ 
mitted as soon as possible, according to the principles 
of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the 
rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the 
United States: and in the meantime they shall be main¬ 
tained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liber¬ 
ty, property, and the religion which they profess.” 

“At the time of Missouri’s struggle for admission” 
(to Statehood and the Union) “in 1819-20, it appears 
from the articles in the territorial newspapers that practi¬ 
cally every well-informed Missourian was familiar with 
this Article.” 

Slaves had formed part of the “property” of Upper 
Louisiana from the first, and Congressional dictation on 
this subject was deeply resented as a violation of the third 
Article of the Treaty of 1803. Yet the North West Or¬ 
dinance of 1787 expressly prohibited Slavery. How then, 
were these two irreconcilables to be brought to lie down 


Page 93 


together? It was indeed a problem, and the way out of 
the difficulty was sought in the Missouri Compromise. 

The first Act of Congress regarding the Louisiana 
Purchase placed the territory under the sole government 
of the Executive. The President was authorized to take 
possession of Louisiana, and to fill all military, civil, and 
judicial posts by his appointments. It was a highly cen¬ 
tralized form of government, but one that pleased the 
French settlers, they being accustomed to it; and at first 
it did not displease the Americans. Under both French 
and Spanish regimes taxes had been hardly more than 
nominal—especially the Land taxes,—justice was usually 
sure and speedy, so that, according to the ancient Egyp¬ 
tian theory of government, France and Spain succeeded 
in making “life easy and the people happy.” In 1804 
Louisiana was divided into two districts, upper and lower, 
the 33rd degree North latitude being the dividing line. 
All south of this was called the “Territory of Orleans”; 
all north, the “District of Louisiana”; “the line of de- 
markation being the present southern boundary of Ar¬ 
kansas.” For convenience of administration, the “district 
of Louisiana was placed under the government of Indiana 
Territory, which then consisted of a Governor, Secretary, 
and three Judges.” This arrangement gave great offense, 
and the Act was cordially detested. And from this time 
on Congress was continually memorialized by the citizens 
of the District of Louisiana, who objected to an arrange¬ 
ment which, they affirmed, violated both the letter and 
the spirit of the 3rd Article of the Treaty of Cession. As 
Mr. Shoemaker says, “The people of Upper Louisiana did 
not like the American regime with its numerous officials, 
tax gatherers, and jury system.” They disliked the “meth¬ 
od provided for settling the Spanish land grants, the in¬ 
creased expenses under the American regime.... the ab¬ 
sence of all representative government; and the Act of 
March 26th, 1804, as a whole.” 

Here was matter indeed for President Jefferson’s tact 
and political sagacity, and his knowledge of, and admira¬ 
tion for, the French character stood him in good stead. 
Petition and remonstrance followed hard upon one an- 

Page 94 


) 



other, delegates were appointed to appeal to Congress in 
person, and for eight long years the question was agitated. 

In 1812 matters reached a crisis that made some sort 
of action necessary. For in April of that year the ‘‘Terri¬ 
tory of Orleans” was admitted into the Union under the 
name of the “State of Louisiana.” Two months later “Con¬ 
gress passed a law changing the name of the Territory of 
Louisiana to the Territory of Missouri.” This law gave 
to Missouri her name, and raised her to the second grade 
of territories: it “not only gave the inhabitants control of 
the lower house of the Legislature,... .but also pro¬ 
vided for a bill of rights.” This was a long step towards 
the coveted Statehood, and from now on Missouri sought 
to enter the Union. In November, 1818, about six months 
after Jonathan Findlay’s settling in Missouri, the “Terri¬ 
torial Legislature of Missouri adopted a memorial to Con¬ 
gress praying for statehood,” and based the application on 
two arguments, first, “that the population of the territory 
was nearly one hundred thousand; second, that, “the 
limits of the territory were too extensive for the efficient 
administration of government.” Whether Jonathan took 
any part in the framing of this memorial does not appear. 
His was a personality, however, that soon made itself 
felt, and that, two years later, he should have been elected 
a Delegate to the Constitutional Convention, speaks well 
for the impression he must have made on the community 
at large, and for the estimation in which he was held. 

The first bill for the admission of Missouri to state¬ 
hood and the Union came up in Congress in Feb., 1819; 
but because of the famous “Talmadge Amendment,” this 
bill failed. The amendment prohibited “the further in¬ 
troduction of Slavery in Missouri, and provided “that all 
children born in Missouri after her admission were to be 
free at the age of twenty-five.” 

The House was largely in favor of this prohibitory 
measure, the Senate was as determinedly opposed; and 
the dissension was so sharp between them that the bill 
was lost. This was what Jonathan referred to when, in 
one of his letters to Thomas, he says that Congress has 
no more “right” to “restrict the territorial rights than 
the Turk.” 


Page 95 


Owing to the Talmadge amendment, therefore, the 
first attempt at admittance to the Union had failed, and 
the “Missouri Question” was now before the whole coun¬ 
try. It was indeed a burning one. The Missouri papers 
were full of it, and East, North, and South, the matter 
was treated at length. Politicians of whom there were 
many, and statesmen of whom there were few, put their 
finger unerringly on the vital point: if the Congressional 
“restriction” held, then Slavery was ultimately doomed— 
its extinction would only be a question of time. In 
Missouri itself, the Talmadge Amendment was regarded as 
both insult and injury, and it simply inflamed adverse 
public opinion. At this late day, the mental and moral 
attitude of Missouri towards this question, seems rather 
Pecksniffian. All agreed that it was an evil, but a neces¬ 
sary evil. Some went so far as to call it a “curse,” one 
fraught with dire consequences for the future. On the 
other hand it was maintained that the question was “local, 
domestic, municipal, internal”—anything but Federal. 
Power to deal with Slavery must be left to the states in¬ 
dividually ; it was a matter of their “rights,” was for their 
jurisdiction, and Congress must not meddle. Missouri 
was incensed that an institution established before the 
cession of Louisiana to the United States, should now 
be curbed or even threatened. Meetings were everywhere 
held, and much fervid eloquence was expended in defining 
and defending Missouri’s “rights.” Nobody seems to have 
lost the opportunity to make himself heard, and from least 
to greatest they were almost all on the side of slavery. 
Yet they all hedged on the moral side, for few had the 
boldness to declare themselves for Slavery as such. There 
were some Restrictionists, as they were called, and among 
them the ever-honored Joseph Charless, Editor of one of 
the best papers in the Territory, the Missouri Gazette. 
Like Thomas Jefferson Charless seems to have perceived 
that Slavery had ceased to be a little cloud on the political 
horizon and was already an increasing storm. Charless 
gave space in his paper—about the only editor that did,— 
to both sides of the question, and his editorials were at 
first decidedly in favor of restriction; but public opinion 

Page 96 


> 


was so overwhelmingly against restriction, to say nothing 
of prohibition, that Charless could not stem the tide, 
and in 1820 he resigned the editorship. In connection 
with this agitation and these numerous public meetings, 
we find that at a public Dinner, “given....at Chariton, 
Howard county, Major J. S. Findlay presided, and Gen. 
Duff Green was Vice-President, the following toasts were 
drunk: 

“The Missouri Territory, —if not ‘embarrassed by too 
much regulation’, it will soon form a distinguished mem¬ 
ber of the Union. 

The People of Missouri —Keen to discern their rights, 
and firm to maintain them: they acknowledge no arbi¬ 
trary right of restriction in the formation of their con¬ 
stitution. 

By Capt. K. M. Desha, of the Marine Corps. 

The Independent Missourians —May they always re¬ 
ject any improper unconstitutional restrictions imposed 
upon them by the national legislature.” 

The first toast is probably Findlay’s, he being the 
presiding officer, and all three show the general trend of 
public feeling. So far as ethics went, the Missourians, like 
so many others, simply begged the question. Slavery 
was economically necessary, was recognized by law, and 
was well within the rights of Missouri herself to adjudi¬ 
cate upon. Nearly all treated slavery as an economical 
and political question, and ignored the deeper implica¬ 
tions of the subject. 

The fate of the first bill for statehood had been allied 
with that of Alabama, which state was admitted to the 
Union in 1819. The second Missouri bill, presented in 
1S19, was aligned with a similar bill and petitions on the 
part of Maine. At first the two bills, Maine-Missouri, 
were considered together, Clay being sponsor for this ar¬ 
rangement. Then an attempt was made to separate the 
two, but this failed, the difficulty being this very question 
of slavery. Several amendments were proposed and lost. 
Then Thomas of Illinois, “introduced a bill, which later 
became the basis of the first Missouri Compromise, which 
prohibited slavery in all the territory of the United States 


Page 97 


north and west of the proposed state of Missouri: the 
line of demarcation on the south being thirty-six degrees 
and thirty minutes... .This was the First Missouri Com¬ 
promise as finally adopted.” 

Debate was warm, not to say acrimonious, but on 
the 17th of January, 1820, the “Maine-Missouri bill,” with 
the Thomas amendment, passed the Senate. Be it remem¬ 
bered that the House had been in favor of the restriction 
of slavery, but the Senate disagreeing, the first bill for 
statehood was, in consequence, lost. On the second at¬ 
tempt, how r ever, after prolonged consideration and much 
heated debate, the two houses finally agreed, and passed 
the bill admitting Missouri to Statehood. 

As Mr. Shoemaker says, “Thus ended the first Mis¬ 
souri fight in Congress, which had continued for two ses¬ 
sions of that body, and had absorbed the attention not 
only of the National Legislature but of the entire nation.” 
The passage of this bill occasioned prophetic forebodings 
in many minds, chief among them Jefferson’s. It seemed 
to fix slavery more deeply upon the country, to make it 
more of an incubus than ever. “The struggle in Congress 
revealed the desire of the House to place a restriction on 
slavery in Missouri, and the determination of the Senate 
to prevent this. The Compromise originated in the Senate, 
and was the product of Thomas of Illinois... .although 
Storrs of New York had offered practically the same 
amendment, later, in the House.” 

So the battle for Statehood being won, the Missouri 
Enabling Act “was approved by Pres. Monroe on March 
6th, 1820.” This Act empowered under certain rules and 
regulations, “the inhabitants of Missouri to form a con¬ 
stitution and government and to assume such name as 
they wished.” The good news soon spread, and by April 
was known throughout the territory. The next step was 
the election of Delegates to a Constitutional Convention. 
And here the most important phase of Jonathan Findlay’s 
political life lies. 

The provisions of the Enabling Act having been com¬ 
plied with, and the elections duly held, forty-one Delegates 
were elected to the Constitutional Convention. The char- 


Page 98 


acters of these men, their callings, their descent, are all 
deeply interesting, and are histories in themselves. Fifteen 
counties were represented and about twenty-five thou¬ 
sand voters. All the Delegates were above the average 
in intelligence and force of character, for we must never 
forget Gibbon’s rule that, “Men must be measured by 
their contemporaries.” John Bice Jones was the most 
learned, and in any assembly would have been distinguish¬ 
ed for his erudition and ability. David Barton, who was 
elected President of the Convention, was probably the 
most eloquent and popular man in the territory. Edward 
Bates was the most revered, there being that “daily beau¬ 
ty in his life” to which men cannot but pay tribute. And, 
as the power behind the throne, stood Thomas Benton, 
whose name is still a household word, for thirty years 
United States Senator from Missouri, and the open cham¬ 
pion of slavery,—on constitutional, legal, and historic 
grounds. He was the bitterest opponent of Charless and 
the Missouri Gazette, the only paper in the territory to 
lift a voice in favor of “restriction.” 

By far the majority of the delegates were of English 
descent: two were Frenchmen, Chouteau and Pratte; one 
was of German extraction, Burckhart, who was one of the 
five from Findlay’s county, Howard ; two were Welsh; 
two Scotch; four Irish; and four Scotch-Irish, among 
whom is counted Findlay. Most of them came, or their 
fathers had come, from the slave-holding states, the ma¬ 
jority from Virginia. Most were men of wealth, or were 
very well-to-do, though to this there were some excep¬ 
tions. All callings and professions were represented, so 
that the Convention was a truly democratic assemblage. 
Of the forty-one delegates only nine were lawyers; two, 
Findlay and McFerron, are classified as Teachers; some 
few held public office, but by far the greater number were 
business men, planters, or men-of-affairs generally. All 
had been elected on what might be called a distinct pro- 
slavery platform. The election had been bitter, and much 
“mud-slinging” and “muck-raking” had been indulged in. 
Charless had led a losing fight for a handful of “Be- 
strictionists,” as against Benton, Barton, and a host of 
others. 


The Convention met at the Mansion House Hotel, in 
St. Louis, on June 12th, 1820. Thirty-eight Delegates 
were present, were sworn in, and took their seats. Find¬ 
lay did not arrive until the fifteenth; and Dodge and Scott 
of Ste. Genevieve county till the thirteenth and sixteenth 
respectively. Permanent organization was effected by the 
election of Barton as President; Pettus as Secretary; and 
Ferguson as Door-keeper. No delegate was a candidate 
for these two offices, and the men elected to them were out¬ 
siders ; yet Ferguson received the highest number of votes 
cast for any candidate—thirty-five. 

The Convention once organized, Judge Thomas of 
Cape Girardeau County, “submitted a resolution. .. which 
required each delegate to take an oath before some mag¬ 
istrate of the Territory to support the Constitution of 
the United States, and also an oath faithfully to dis¬ 
charge the duties of his office.” “The oaths having been 
administered by the Hon. Silas Bent, a judge of the Su¬ 
perior Court, a resolution was submitted by John D. 
Cook of Ste. Genevieve, which stated that it was then 
expedient to form a state government for the people of 
Missouri Territory within the boundaries set forth by the 
Enabling Act of Congress.... This very important resolu¬ 
tion was unanimously adopted by the convention,” and 
its work really began. In order to accomplish its purpose 
committees were formed, and the work of the Convention 
falls naturally into legislative and administrative acts. 
The rules and regulations for the government of the Con¬ 
vention were modeled on those governing the House of 
Bepresentafives, the very wording in some cases being the 
same. Minutes of all proceedings were kept, and were 
eventually printed, as the Journal of the Convention. Mr. 
Shoemaker takes serious exception to the way in which 
this Journal was kept, and finds it greatly lacking in 
details as well as in clearness and accuracy. He says: 
“The minutes recorded of the proceedings of a legislative 
body, and especially of a constitutional convention, can 
never be too detailed. The very interpretation of a 
phrase or a clause in a constitution frequently involves a 
painstaking study of those debates that were held over 

Page 100 


• 1 
I I # 


• . • 


it by its framers.The Missouri Constitution of 1820 

is commendable in covering only eighteen and a half 
printed octavo pages; the Journal of the Missouri con¬ 
stitutional convention of 1820 is ridiculously defective 
in being a pamphlet of forty-eight printed pages, of which 
only thirty-four contain information on the constitu¬ 
tion.’’ 

Fndlay was made Chairman of the Enrollment 
Committee, but seems to have had nothing to do with 
secretarial duties. As Chairman of the Enrollment Com¬ 
mittee, Findlay, at the close of the Convention, had to 
pass upon Pettus’ work. He gave it great praise, and 
“said that never in his long experience as a printer had 
he seen such beautiful and accurate copying, that there 
was not an interlineation or mis-spelled word, and that 
not a ( t’ was uncrossed or an ‘i’ undotted, throughout the 
manuscript.” 

The labors of the Convention occupied thirty-eight 
days, from June 12th to July 19th, Sundays and the 
Fourth-of-July excepted. This was a short time, and 
would bespeak unusual unanimity of opinion among the 
Members of the Convention. The work of printing the 
proceedings of the Convention was assigned to the firm 
of Henry and Company of St. Louis. Bids were not re¬ 
ceived, and exception was taken to this by some of the 
Members. Charless would have done the work much more 
cheaply than Henry. For on June 19th, “Charless sub¬ 
mitted proposals for printing the constitution and the 
journal, but on motion of Findlay these were ordered to 
be laid on the table.” It is to be inferred that there was 
some “politics” in this proceeding. Charless was on the 
unpopular side, and to accept his proposals would have 
savoured of giving aid and countenance to the enemy. 
Yet his proposals were actually one-fifth less than those 
of Henry. No wonder that Charless bitterly commented, 
“It is part of the question of high salaries , no one shall 
do anything for the public except he will take three 
times as much as he ought. No one shall serve the public 
except he plucks the goose as much as possible.” 

General Duff Green, a fellow-delegate of Findlay’s 
from Howard County, was a warm friend of both Findlay 

Page 101 



and Benton, who was a bitter foe to Charless. Evidently 
there were wheels within wheels, hence Charless was 
passed by. “The final superintendence of the printing 
of the constitution was placed in the hands of Findlay. 
On the last page of the St. Louis edition of the constitu¬ 
tion is found the certification of J. S. Findlay, under date 
of St. Louis, Aug. 3rd, 1820, declaring that the constitu¬ 
tion and ‘Ordinance’ as printed agreed with the original 
roll.”. 

In order to expedite the work of the convention, 
Bates proposed “the appointment of a single committee 
to draft a constitution.” This measure was defeated. On 
the same day, June 13th, “a resolution was proposed by 
Thomas, and carried, that four committees, each consist¬ 
ing of three members, be appointed by the President of 
the Convention to do the following work: one committee 
to draft the legislative department; one, the executive: 
a third, the judiciary; and the fourth, the bill of rights 
and other parts not before mentioned.” This was agreed 
to, and three days later, on June 16th, the four commit¬ 
tees were ready to report to the Convention “the several 
parts of the constitution that they had drafted.” Find¬ 
lay was not on any one of these important committees, as 
he did not take his seat in the Convention until the 15th. 
Strange to say these vital reports were not read to the 
Convention, but a proposal was made and carried that a 
committee of the whole should be appointed to consist of 
one member from each of the four committees first form¬ 
ed, and that this committee-of-the-whole should frame 
the constitution. Thus was Bates’ original motion really 
carried out under a slightly different name and method of 
procedure. Nor was Findlay a member of this select 
committee. They were Jones, Evans, Cook of Ste. Gene¬ 
vieve, and Ramsay. Of this “all-powerful committee three 
were lawyers of the highest ability and influence.” “The 
ability of the select committee to accomplish work with 
dispatch, is seen in the fact that it reported to the Con¬ 
vention on the day after its creation. Fifty copies of this 
report were ordered printed for the use of the delegates; 
but since not one of these pamphlets has been preserved, 


Page 102 



-it is impossible to obtain the slightest clue to the con¬ 
tents of this report.” 

“On June 27th, Bates submitted a resolution that 
provided for the appointment of what might appropriately 
be called a committee on style.” This resolution was 
adopted, and Bates, Cook of Ste. Genevieve, and Findlay 
were the three members appointed for this committee. 
Bates w T as the Chairman. By the provisions of the reso¬ 
lution creating this committee on Style, it was allowed 
to “transpose” sections of the constitution, but might 
not alter in any way the substance of any section. It did 
not hold strictly, however to the letter of its instructions. 
“The committee on Style reported from time to time to 
the convention the various articles of the constitution 
that had been submitted to it for revision. Although 
nearly all the constitution passed through the hands of 
this committee, its report on only three articles was or¬ 
dered printed, and not one of these printed copies has 
been preserved.” These were on the legislative, executive, 
and Judicial, departments. 

“The committee on Style was one of the two most 
important committees that framed Missouri’s first con¬ 
stitution.” In addition to being a Member of the com¬ 
mittee on Style, Findlay was also a member of the Com¬ 
mittee on Banking, and was probably its Chairman. 
He had proposed a substitute motion that led to the 
creation of this committee, and hence was appointed a 
member. “Findlay, Reeves, and Riddick composed this 
committee.” 

“The last committee to be appointed was that on en¬ 
rollment.” Its duties were purely clerical, and of this 
committee Findlay was Chairman. His experience as an 
editor, newspaper man, and printer, to say nothing of his 
teaching, easily won for him this Chairmanship, and his 
high commendation of Pettus’ work, is an interesting 
side light on his own probable excellent workmanship. 

There seems to be a somewhat hazy tradition in the 
Findlay family that Jonathan Findlay had something to 
do with the actual drafting of the Missouri Constitution 
of 1820. But for this tradition there is little foundation 
in fact. The tradition probably arose from his being a 

Page 103 


Member of the committee on Style, through whose hands 
every section of the Constitution passed; but they could 
only revise and transpose. Mr. Shoemaker has made a 
most exhaustive study of the personnel of the Constitu¬ 
tional Convention, and of the part that each and every 
member played in that important body. By going over 
all the measures introduced, and the votes cast for or 
against, Mr. Shoemaker has been able to reconstruct 
the relative importance and value of these different mem¬ 
bers. John Rice Jones, the most learned man in the Con¬ 
vention, one of the most prominent men in the territory, 
was the Chairman of the Select Committee, “the first and 
only committee to draft a complete constitution for Mis¬ 
souri in 1820 that was printed and discussed by the con¬ 
vention.” 

Mr. Shoemaker says,.. “Of the forty-one delegates, 
Jones was easily the most learned, the most educat¬ 
ed, the most accomplished, and perhaps the most sucess- 
ful financially. One of the oldest men in the Convention, 
Jones possessed the best trained and deepest mind in that 
body. It is, therefore, not surprising that Barton appoint¬ 
ed him chairman of the select committee.” 

Undoubtedly Barton who was a very astute man, and 
was at the time very popular, shuffled the political cards in 
such a manner as to favor political friends and adherents, 
and to reduce possible opposition to a minimum. Barton 
himself introduced no single measure in the Convention, 
but he never failed to cast his vote for any measure. In 
the appointment of the Chairmen to the various com¬ 
mittees, he wielded a tremendous power, and the conven¬ 
tion was practically controlled by him and his following. 
The three other members of the select committee were 
Evans, John D. Cook, and Ramsay. John D. Cook, “al¬ 
though a young man” of thirty, “was the only delegate 
that was a member of both the select committee and the 
committee on Style.” 

Of Edward Bates, chairman of the committee on 
style, who lived to an advanced and honored old age, and 
who was Abraham Lincoln’s first Attorney-General, Mr. 
Shoemaker says: “Despite his age” (he was only twenty- 

Page 104 


I 


six), “Bates was appointed as chairman of the committee 
on style, which in importance ranked next to, if it did not 
equal, the select committee. By order of the convention 
every article and section of the constitution after passing 
through the committee of the whole, was entrusted to 
the committee for proper revision. Its impress 
was, therefore, left on every part of that instrument. In 
appointing Bates at the head of the committee on style 
Barton not only filled an important place with a devoted 
friend and admirer, but also with a remarkably gifted 
politician and lawyer. A man of high ideals, and of al¬ 
most unlimited intellectual capacity, Bates was a fitting 
choice to do the last constructive work on Missouri’s first 
constitution, and to polish and perfect that document for 
future generations.” 

“The other members of the committee on style, John 
D. Cook and Jonathan Smith Findlay, were also excep¬ 
tionally able men. The latter, .was a man of fine educa¬ 
tion, rare intellectual attainments, and high moral prin¬ 
ciples. Engaged at this time in school teaching, Findlay 
appears to have wielded considerable influence in the 
Boone’s Lick county, and was greatly respected for his 
ability as a waiter and his courage as a man. His last 
public office was that of Register of the land office at 
Lexington, Missouri, which he held until two years before 
his death... .Findlay enjoyed the full confidence of Bar¬ 
ton and was appointed on two other committees, being, 
chairman of both the committee on Enrollment and the 
very important committee on a State Bank and branches. 
The reports of both these committees were adopted by the 
Convention without further unnecessary change, a compli¬ 
ment to their makers.” 

“Associated with Barton in framing the constitution 
in the committees were seven of his friends, John Rice 
Jones, John D. Cook, Edward Bates, James Evans, James 
Scott, Jonathan Smith Findlay, and to some extent, Jona¬ 
than Ramsay. The first five of these were lawyers; Find¬ 
lay was a schoolmaster-politician; and Ramsay a success¬ 
ful farmer, a shrewd business man and a politician com¬ 
bined ; all were aspirants for public honors.” 


Page 105 


Finally to sum up on this question as to the author¬ 
ship, or joint-authorship, of Missouri’s famous constitu¬ 
tion, Mr. Shoemaker says: 

“The framing of Missouri’s constitution was not the 
work of one man. The principal authors were Barton, 
Bates, John D. Cook, Jones, Findlay and Scott. These six 
delegates held first place as introducers of measures, as 
voters in the convention, and as members of the three most 
important committees,—the select committee, the com¬ 
mittee on style, and the committee on a State bank. Bar¬ 
ton was the leader both of the legally organized conven¬ 
tion and of the political machine of that body. He wield¬ 
ed, therefore, the most important influence of all the dele¬ 
gates on the constitution. Bates, John Cook, Jones, and 
Findlay were the great organizers and committee-men of 
the convention.... All were remarkably able men. They 
later held political positions ranging in importance from 
that of Register of a land office to that of United States 
Senator and of United States cabinet official... .The ‘ma¬ 
chine’ under the direction of the leaders, was able to ac¬ 
complish nearly everything it desired. Barton, Bates, 
John Cook, Jones, Findlay, and Scott, were the principal 
authors of the constitution of Missouri of 1820.” 

If the stone mill erected by Findlay, did burn down 
within a year of its building, with its destruction must 
have gone many of Jonathan’s roseate hopes. This was 
probably the cause of the removal to Franklin, Howard 
county, and thence in 1823 to Lexington, Lafayette county, 
where for the remainder of his life Findlay lived and died. 
He like so many others, was an aspirant after public office, 
and his appointment as Register of the Land Office at 
Lexington was the cause of his going still further West. 

In the selections from the “Torrance Papers, Quarter¬ 
ly Publication of the Historical and Philosophical Society 
of Ohio,” may be found this letter which fixes approxi¬ 
mately the time of Jonathan Findlay’s appointment as 
Register of the Land Office. 

“Thomas H. Williams to James Findlay. 

Senate Chamber, March 3, 1823. 

Dear Sir: 

.Our old friend Vance has been appointed 

Page 106 


> 



Register of the Land Office at Fort Wayne—and your 
brother Jonathan has been appointed to a similar office in 
Missouri. These two appointments have given me more 
pleasure than any thing of the kind which has happened 
since I had a seat among the Conscript Fathers.” 

From this we know that Jonathan’s appointment was 
either late in 1822, or very early in 1823. In a footnote 
to this letter, Mr. Cox says: 

“His (J. S. Findlay’s) office was located in Lexington, 
Mo., and his name appears in the ‘Blue Book until the 
issue for Sept., 1831.”—Therefore as Findlay died in Sep¬ 
tember of 1832, and was ill for six months before his death 
in St. Louis,—he must have held office for fully seven 
years. 

Originally it would seem that Jonathan was a Fed¬ 
eralist, and the loss of his office so soon after Jackson 
became President is but one of the many instances of that 
worthy’s terribly “clean sweep.” No man ever treated the 
Federal offices more completely as the “spoils of party” 
than did Jackson. Party feeling from the time that Jack- 
son took his seat, and during the eight years of his incum¬ 
bency, was very bitter. 

Jonathan entered upon his new duties immediately, 
and apparently rather unexpectedly, for his grand-daugh¬ 
ter, Mrs, Emma Chick Moore, says,—“I remember reading 
an old letter of his (J. S. F.) to Grandma written from 
Lexington, with directions to her about coming in a boat 
with her family from Old Franklin to Lexington, as he 
was so busy he could not get away.” In a letter to her 
cousin, Mr. J. W. Findlay, Mrs. Moore says,—“He (J. S. 
F.) was a man of literary tastes, was a very public- 
spirited man, a Presbyterian by faith, and as I have 
always been told, was a high-minded Christian gentle¬ 
man.”_He bought a house in Lexington “with money 

Grandma had saved before she was married, two thousand 
dollars. He always managed to keep this amount invest¬ 
ed for her, and it was with the proceeds from the sale of 
this place that she afterwards bought a home in West 
Port, Mo. Grandfather, .taught school there (Lexing¬ 
ton), and my mother and yours” (Margaret Findlay and 


Page 107 


Juliet Ryland) “both went to school to him. He and your 
grandfather” (Judge Ryland), “were very strong friends 
as long as both lived, and the friendship has extended to 
the third and fourth generations.” According to Mrs. 
Moore then, the family was still living in Old Franklin 
in 1823, for she expressly says, “My Mother was born there 
in 1823.” So the family could not have quitted Old Frank¬ 
lin till the husband and father was definitely settled at 
Lexington. 

Findlay was appointed by Monroe, and his tenure of 
office therefore covered nearly all of Monroe’s second term, 
and all of John Quincy Adams’ administration. It may 
be assumed that Findlay owed his appointment to office 
to the strong political influence of Barton and Bates, as 
well as to his own popularity and strength in Howard 
country, from which he had been so prominent a delegate 
to the Constitutional Convention. But within a few years 
politics greatly changed in Missouri. Andrew Jackson 
took his seat as our seventh President on March 4th, 
1829, and it was about eighteen months later that Findlay 
lost his position. He was probably not “Jacksonian” 
enough to please the local politicians. 

In a letter from William Findlay to his brother 
James, dated May 19th, 1830, William says: 

“I have not heard anything from Jonathan for a long 
time neither directly or indirectly... .1 never had an in¬ 
timation of the report you have mentioned respecting him, 
and I trust it will prove unfounded. I have not written 
to him on the subject. It might be important for him to 
know, that if the report be not true he may be restored to 
the good opinion of the government. I think it would be 
better for you to write to him in this case than if I were 
to write. The information would be more direct, and it 
would save him postage. I shall write him, however, if 
you should decline it. 

Your brother, 

Wm. Findlay. 

No inkling is given as to the nature of this “report,” 
so the inference is that it was something political that 
caused his removal from office. 


Page 108 



In a footnote to this paragraph, Mr. Cox says: 

“He (Jonathan), was then living in Missouri. He 
had had a chequered career as an editor, and politically 
had been less successful than his brothers.” 

It is impossible at this late day, after the lapse of 
ninety years, to gather up all the threads of Jonathan 
Findlay’s life. Details are sadly lacking, and even dates 
are often not recoverable. Of the last nine years of his 
life nothing now is known. Findlay died on September 
21st, 1832, and was buried at Lexington. The inscription 
on his tombstone is very simple. 

“IN MEMORY 
OF 

JONATHAN S. FINDLAY. 

Born in Franklin Co. Penn. July 15, 1778. 

Died, Sept. 21, 1832.” 

Through the kindness of Mr. F. C. Shoemaker, Secre¬ 
tary of the State Historical Society of Missouri, this 
obituary notice has been obtained.— 

MISSOURI INTELLIGENCER 
Columbia, Missouri. November 10, 1832. 


Departed this life, at his late residence near Lexing¬ 
ton, Lafayette county, Mo., on the 21st September last, 
Maj. Jonathan S. Findlay, in the 55th year of his age. 
He was a native of Franklin Co., Penn.; emigrated to 
this state in 1818, and was a member of the Convention 
which formed our Constitution. Afflicted with a painful 
and lingering disease, he bore his sufferings with the ut¬ 
most fortitude and composure. Conscious from the first 
attack that he must fall a victim to it, he always, even to 
the last, spoke of death as an end of his sufferings, in the 
full belief that he should exchange the present painful 
state for one of endless felicity in a better world. Studied 
eulogy on the character of the deceased is unnecessary. 
But those who mingled with him in the social circle will 
not withhold the just tribute to his intellectual attain- 


Page 109 



ments; and those who were more intimately acquainted 
with him, can never forget the correct moral principle, 
the warm glow of feeling and general philanthropy, which 
were the most prominent traits in his character. He left 
many friends, and an affectionate wife and children to 
mourn his loss. 

(The above is from the MISSOURI REPUBLICAN, 
of the 30th ult. Having been personally and intimately 
acquainted with the late Maj. Findlay, we take the liberty 
of adding a few particulars. He was possessed of rare 
intellectual endowments, and as a writer, (when he chose 
to exert himself), had few superiors. In years past, many 
of his productions have graced our columns. He was the 
originator, and wrote most of the admired numbers of 
“The Occidentalist,” which were published in this paper 
several years since. Misfortunes and pecuniary embar¬ 
rassments weighed heavily on his mind, and depressed 
his energies.—Maj. Findlay was one of four distinguished 
brothers, viz. William Findlay, formerly Governor of 
Pennsylvania, and lately a Senator in Congress; John 
Findlay, Representative in Congress from Pennsylvania; 
and General James Findlay, Representative in Congress 
from Ohio. Maj. F(indlay) was for several years Register 
of the Land Office at Lexington, Mo.)—Ed. Mo. Int. 

The children were all young at the time of their 
father’s death. Charles, the eldest, was but a lad of eigh¬ 
teen, James was sixteen, Henry thirteen, while William 
and Margaret were little ones. Though her husband was 
a man of unusual talents and ability, all her married life 
Henrietta Findlay had contended with straitened means, 
and the struggle did not cease now. Several of her letters 
are extant, and this sketch would be very incomplete if 
something of them were not given. She was a woman 
of much force of character, was strong of soul and deeply 
religious. The glimpses of her character and life cause 
regret that more concerning her has not been preserved. 
As a revelation of fine character, of the highest principles, 
and of a just and appreciative heart, a letter written to 
John Findlay, four years after her husband’s death, is 
significant. 


Page 110 


Lexington, July 15th, 1836. 

Dear Brother John: 

I received yours of the 16th, containing the check on 
the bank of the United States for one hundred and fifty- 
one dollars, which you enclosed me. I was at first very 
much at a loss to know how to appropriate the money, as 
you desired it to be paid over to the Administrator of my 
Husband’s estate. I thought you had been fully acquaint¬ 
ed with the situation of your brother’s affairs at the time 
of his death, that he had left a large amount of debts, 
and not one dollar worth of property to pay them with, 
and consequently that there could be no administration. 
It is true that I did not write you the particulars of our 
situation, but I did write them as explicitly to Brother 
William as I knew how, and expected he had informed 
all of my friends who felt any interest in our affairs. My 
mother, before her decease, saved from the wreck of our 
property, a lot of 25 acres of land on which we had a log 
house unfinished, and some other conveniences, together 
with some plain and worn out furniture, all of which 
she left to me by will; this is everything I have had, save 
my own personal exertions, not only since my husband’s 
death, but for six months previous to that time, while he 
lay sick at St. Louis and after his return home, on which 
to support my family. I have made the above statement 
in order to account... .to you for the disposition I have 
made of the money, which is to have paid a store account, 
which has been accumulating these three or four years, 
and which I have been under the necessity of contracting 
. .. .for necessaries for my family. I have done this with 
the approbation and advice of my son James who is the 
only one of my children at home old enough to consult, 
Charles being absent. There are two other debts which I 
feel myself in honor and honesty bound to pay should 
I ever be in possession of the funds belonging to my de¬ 
ceased husband, and it is the wish of my sons that I do so. 
One is the account of the physician who attended him 
with unwearied attention and skill through the whole of 
his long illness and who has since died, leaving a wife and 
four small children in great poverty; the other is a iner- 


Page 111 


chant’s account for articles of convenience and comfort to 
himself and family during the same period. To both of 
these gentlemen my husband stated that he had some little 
land in Pennsylvania which he expected I would receive 
after his decease, out of which they could be paid; never¬ 
theless they both knew that he was insolvent and that 
there would be no administration, and consequently they 
might never receive any remuneration, and if they ever did, 
it would be a long time first, and then their only depend¬ 
ence was the honor of those whom he left to represent 
him. Two hundred dollars will probably defray both 
these charges, I do not know the exact amount... .Charles 

_is at this time out with a surveying party as Chain 

Carrier, they are running the boundary lines of different 
Indian Tribes on our western and southern frontiers, 
many of whom are dissatisfied and have recently shown 
signs of hostility to the Whites, which makes their trip 
one of much danger and risk. When he is in the settle¬ 
ments he makes his home at West Port, immediately above 
this on the boundary of the state. We were very much 
pleased with “The Repository,” the children thought it like 
greeting an old friend; we had been accustomed to receive 
it weekly ever since they can remember until since their 
father’s death, we shall always hail its return as a mes¬ 
senger of communication from friends in your part of 

the country.There is considerable excitement in all 

this part of the far west at present and indeed much alarm 
on account of the Indians on our border, and a probable 
civil war between the citizens of Jackson County and the 
Mormons who are moving by thousands to that county 
with the avowed intention of building Zion there, and 
who as a people, apart from their (Letter is torn), are 
of such a character that they and the citizens can not live 
harmoniously together. Remember me affectionately to 
sister. 

Affectionately your sister, 

H. C. D. Findlay. 


Page 112 




To Col. John Findlay, P. M. 

Chambersburg, Penn. 

(Marked, Lexington, Mo., 17. July, “Free”). 

This letter is surely interesting; not a breath of com¬ 
plaint of any personal discomfort or hardship, only a deep 
desire that justice shall be done in the payment of money 
due to those who had shown kindness and friendship to 
the deceased husband and father, and to the widow and 
children in their straitened circumstances. The des¬ 
cendants of H. C. D. Findlay may well be proud of their 
grandmother. The family did not go to West Port until 
1844, as is seen by a letter to Charles who was then at 
Sugar Creek, Indian Territory. 

Another letter from Mrs. Findlay is written from 
Kansas, Mo., on August 3rd, 1848, and is addressed to her 
son Charles and his wife. 

“My dear Children Charles and Elizabeth: 

This day is the anniversary of my marriage. How 
many dark clouds have cast their shadows over my path 
in all these thirty-five years of my pilgrimage, since in 
all the happiness of enjoyment and buoyancy of hope for 
the future, I became a wife. And yet in taking a retro¬ 
spect of them, if I do not find far more of sunshine and 
gladness than of cloud and tears, it is because my ungrate¬ 
ful heart is more prone to look on the dark side of the 
picture,... .than it is to contemplate the innumerable and 
inestimable blessings that my Heavenly Father has con¬ 
tinually showered on my head. And especially do I now 
feel that it is to His Goodness is due the grateful acknowl¬ 
edgment for all the comfort I enjoy in my children, to 
their affection and care of me, and in the contemplation 
of their own happiness and the prospect of future pros¬ 
perity ; but above all that they are all so worthily married. 
I can never be too thankful for the rich treasure my sons 
have found in the possession of their wives. And I sin¬ 
cerely hope they may each one of them ever find his own 
enjoyment in contributing to the happiness of his wife. 
.... I came up two weeks ago, and have been staying with 
Margaret ever since. She has another son, a fine healthy 


Page 113 


little fellow, who his Mother thinks prettier than all the 
rest. I do not see much difference in the beauty of young 

Chickens .James is quite well and engaged extensively 

in a good business... .You say that a woman always saves 
the most important part of her letter until the last, and 
so it is in this. Your kind letter so full of interesting sub¬ 
jects, leaves me in doubt and suspense in regard to all of 
them except that Lizzie is not coming with you to Mis¬ 
souri. That is too bad, after so long expecting to see her, 
and being put off from time to time, to learn now that 
she is not coming is too great a disappointment to all of 
us. All the Family... .feel it severely as... .they are so 
anxious to know, and be known to, their new Sister. Be¬ 
sides my own private opinion is, that James will come in, 
and take Juliet to Santa Fee this Fall... .With regard to 
your business matters, I hope you will realize your fondest 
hopes....To your kind, and I doubt not sincere, invita¬ 
tion, My Children, to make my home with you, I must say 
in sincerity that I doubt not you would do all that your 
circumstances will enable you to do to make me comfort¬ 
able, and should your plans be realized I am sure it 
would be the most desirable home that I have had for a 
long time. When Charles comes out we will talk the 

matter over.Margaret joins me in much love to both 

of vou.... 

Your ever affectionate Mother, 

H. C. D. Findlay.” 

The plan that she should make her home with Mr. 
and Mrs. Charles Findlay, was not carried out, for she 
lived and died in the West. In her later days she made 
her home with her only daughter, Margaret, Mrs. William 
Chick. 

Ten years later, in a letter from Kansas, dated April 
3rd, 1858, a letter written to her brother Charles, Mar¬ 
garet Findlay Chick gives a very pleasant picture of 
their mother, then an old lady of seventy. Mrs. Chick, 
with her two younger children, had gone up to West Port 
to see her mother, and says: 


Page 114 




“I found mother looking not a great deal worse than 
when I saw her last, but she is very feeble. She sits up 
not more than half an hour at a time without resting on 
her little lounge. She reads a good deal, but her hands 
and arms are so weak that she cannot hold up a book of 
much weight. She had a small low table made just to 
sit across her lap to hold her large print Bible; it also 
serves to take her meals on when she is sitting up. The 
religious newspapers are a great comfort to her, especially 
the New York Observer. She did not sew when I was 
there as her hands and elbows were swollen and painful. 
I believe no one but herself has ever put up a cap for (her) 
yet, and she will not consent that any of us should try so 
long as she can do it herself. Yours and Lizzie’s letter 
of the 17th ult. came while I was there. She was very 
much gratified, as she always is, to hear from you all, and 
much interested in your account of the religious revival.” 

There is also extant a copy of a letter written by H. 
C. D. Findlay to her youngest son, William, on the death 
of his first wife, Ellen Boyd, a sister of Mrs. Charles 
Findlay. This letter was written from West Port, Octo¬ 
ber 15th, 1848. It is poignant in its tenderness, is full of 
love and sympathy, and shows how the mother’s heart 
yearns over her son. She speaks in glowing terms of her 
daughter-in-law’s lovely character, and dwells on the bit¬ 
ter disappointment as well as deep grief that she feels 
in the cutting short of this young life. And very notice¬ 
able is one paragraph in which she urges William to lay 
aside his own sorrow as much as possible, and try to 
comfort the stricken mother of his wife. “O, my son, do, 
by every effort in your power, soothe her afflicted heart, 
and cherish her as an own son, as well for her own sake 
as for that of your dear departed wife.”.... 

The understanding mind is common enough, but the 
“understanding heart” is very rare. Beauty proceeds out 
of the heart like all else, and for this sheer beauty of “the 
inward man” Henrietta Findlay’s letter is remarkable. 
Its breadth and depth of feeling, the way in which she 
tries to comfort her son, and the manner in which she 


Page 115 



urges upon him the filial cherishing of the stricken mother, 
. .all show the generosity of her own nature. 

Henrietta C. D. Findlay died in August, 1864, at the 
home of her daughter and son-in-law, Mr. and Mrs. Wil¬ 
liam Chick. They were then living in Chariton county, 
Missouri, and the condition of the country was such—just 
towards the close of the Civil War—that they could not 
carry out her “burning and dying wish” to be laid to rest 
in a previously selected spot in the grave-yard at Lexing¬ 
ton, Missouri, where she wished to lie between her mother 
and her husband. 

There is also a letter written by Charles Findlay to 
his sister Margaret on the news of his mother’s death; 
but it is too intimate and personal to be given, even in 
this frank family memoir. He writes from a full heart, 
and with the keen regret of a loving son that he has not 
been able to see more of his mother during the busy years 
of an arduous life, and has also not been able to do quite 
as much for her as he had hoped and planned. He had 
not seen his mother for some years, and, as he says in 
this letter to his sister, “I.... was devising how I could 
take the time, and go and see you on my way back” (to 
Natchez), “and little did I anticipate the news that await¬ 
ed me at home.” He then goes on to say that if he should 
not be able to carry out his mother’s wishes with regard 
to her final resting-place, then he will leave it to “Wm. 
and her grandsons (so) to do.” 

But she still rests where the earthly “house of clay” 
was originally placed. She had lived a long and useful 
life beloved and esteemed by all who knew her, and her 
children might well rise up and call her blessed. Charles 
alludes to her deep religious faith, and speaks of the 
“glorious rest” to which she has been called. Henrietta 
D’Argen was twenty-five when she was married, knew 
nineteen years of wedded life and thirty-two of widow¬ 
hood .. seventy-six years in all.. a span that held much for 
her and her children. Born in one of the oldest places 
of our country, in going West when she did, she exper¬ 
ienced all the hardships of the pioneers. But through all 
there is never a murmur. Sustained by Christian faith 


Page 116 


and fortitude she bravely faced life by her husband’s 
side, was one with him in all things, and greatly shared 
his long struggle with adversity. 

Yet is there something very engaging and appealing 
about Jonathan Findlay. He had that youthfulness of 
spirit which is far rarer than one would fain believe. 
Brave, eternally hopeful, trustful, generally in financial 
difficulties which he bore manfully and with which he 
tried honestly to cope,—his failures are more interesting 
than many men’s successes. The mass of men live their 
lives in subordinate positions, where routine-work as 
mapped out by others is the chief feature of their exist¬ 
ence. Whatever the lack of Jonathan’s moneyed success 
may have entailed, it did not prevent his holding a high 
place in the several communities in which he lived, nor 
in winning that respect and esteem for his character and 
attainments which he richly deserved. Not so prominent 
politically as his more distinguished brothers, the family 
tradition that he was in reality the cleverest of the six 
is probably correct. 


Page 117 









LETTERS 

OF 

JONATHAN SMITH FINDLAY 

TO HIS 

BROTHER THOMAS 
1801—1819 









« ' 








Cincinnati, April 26th, 1801. 


Dear Tom: 

Last Monday’s mail brought to hand your friendly 
favors of the 2nd and 3rd insts., in which you deny the 
charge of neglect in writing and throw the odium en¬ 
tirely on our Western Post, and I have no doubt with 
great justice, for there is certainly great remissness of 
duty in that department. We are now two mails due us. 
Nathan writes me that you complain of me as a very bad 
correspondent. If you apply the term to the quality of 
my letter, I have no doubt the charge will lie, but if you 
allude to the quantity, I aver that it is entirely unfound¬ 
ed. I have been extremely regular, but perhaps many of 
my letters have miscarried, but I flatter myself that 
under the new order of things, conveyance by post will be 
more certain. It certainly needs amendment. Major 
Zeigler of this place has lost two drafts of f1000.00 each. 

I recollect you some time since wrote me that you 
had some thoughts of going to Orleans to open a com¬ 
mission store. I have been thinking of it lately and men¬ 
tioned it to some persons here who I supposed capable of 
forming a judicious opinion, and from the whole I am 
induced to believe that it might be found advantageous. 
But there is another business which is generally sup¬ 
posed here to be more profitable than any that could be 
followed on the same capital, and I am confident in the 
same opinion, that is carrying flour from Orleans to the 
Islands. An immense quantity of flour has gone to Or¬ 
leans this season, not less than 200 boats have passed 
within this three months, 30 odd boats passed yesterday. 
All this flour would be carried to the Islands, for flour is 
so low at Orleans that they cannot afford to sell it there. 
The vessel which Riddol went around in last year made 
$7000.00 clear in three weeks by this business. 

You mention that if you find your health delicate 
this season you will pay us a visit. I assure you no per¬ 
son wishes more sincerely for your health and happiness 
than myself, yet I could almost be pleased at a slight at¬ 
tack, if it would afford me the pleasure of seeing you. 
Indeed I think you had better leave the city in the sum- 

Page 1 


mer at any rate, and spend it in this place. You would 
be much pleased with this country and the journey would 
contribute greatly to the restoration of your health. You 
would then avoid the risk which you must run if you re¬ 
main in the city. I would advise you to set out immedi¬ 
ately so that you may be over the mountains before the 
intense heat of summer sets in. Brother and Sister will 
go in with you in the fall, and perhaps myself. James 
will go in to settle his accounts at the Treasury Depart¬ 
ment, and Jane will go along to see her friends. Jane 
has been much indisposed for some days, but is pretty 
well recovered, she was down to breakfast this morning, 
she complains that you never write her. She thinks she 
would not know you now. I have never seen Denny’s 
portfolio which you mention in such handsome terms, but 
I know he is an elegant writer, he appears to combine a 
good judgment with a vast fund of information, and he 
expresses his ideas in language, “smooth as the Thames 
and as the Tiber strong”. I do not think his productions 
would suffer by a comparison with those of any writer of 
any nation. 

You speak mighty prettily of the Franklin ladies, 
blit I am not sure whether you wish to be understood lit¬ 
erally or ironically, but be that as it may, I will assure 
you that I have never seen so many fine women in any 
place that I have ever been, to be sure, there are many of 
them that are “well stricken in years”, but it is not their 
fault if they must still be dominated “Young Ladies”. 
But noting this, I think Miss Lawrence would suffer noth¬ 
ing by a comparison, she would however be the better if 
a few of the years could spare. I am told John Ramsey 
and Susan Maxwell are to be married. Is it true? How 
is Jane Van Lear, and where is she? I hear you look 
pleasant at her. 

I assure you I am no fawning parasite, and if I was, 
the Governor is not the person to please in that way, he 
would spurn the man from his favor who would offer it. 

I wish I knew on what terms you are with Findlay 
and Taylor, you have never mentioned. I suppose, though, 
not less than $500.00. Nat writes me that he is going to 

Page 2 


Legonier with John Ramsey. It is an outlandish place for 
him to live. I would rather he would go somewhere where 
he would have an opportunity for improving his mind and 
manners. I beg you will write me frequently and believe 
me to be with much respect, 

Your sincere friend and affectionate brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


V 

Family Mansion, October 5th, 1801. 

Dear Tom: 

You will perhaps be surprised at receiving a letter 
from me dated at this place, as you no doubt calculated 
that I had set my face homeward. Indeed I am surprised 
myself, for when I took my leave of you, I was sanguine 
in the expectation of being in Cincinnati long before this 
time. But all human calculations are uncertain, and 
mine, among my friends, are proverbially so. There is a 
certain want of energy in my character, a want of deci¬ 
sion and of action, of which I am perfectly conscious, but 
of which I am unable to divest myself. So completely am 
I enwrapt in the mantle of indolence and inactivity, that 
action, either mental or corporal, requires too mighty an 
effort to be often exerted or exerted long at once. Soli¬ 
citous only of present enjoyment and careless of tomor¬ 
row, as if struck by a torpedo, I yield to the weight of ex¬ 
ertion and sink into apathy and torpor. Such is the pic¬ 
ture which I have drawn of myself, and such is the one 
which my character reflects. I know you cannot view it 
but with detestation and abhorrence, nor when I deliber¬ 
ately view it and calmly reflect on it, does it produce any 
other sentiments in myself. Why then, you will natur¬ 
ally exclaim, do you indulge in such unwarrantable idle¬ 
ness? Why continue thus in the habitual indulgence of 
a known error? Why thus “sin against light”? ’Tis 
dishonorable to human nature for a human being to 
spend those hours and waste those intellectual endow¬ 
ments with which he is gifted for noble purposes, in trif¬ 
ling and idleness. These questions and reflections and 

Page 3 


a thousand others of the same stamp will very naturally 
suggest themselves, and have a thousand times suggested 
themselves to me on taking a review of my own character 
and conduct. They have even had influence enough to 
produce resolutions to industry, to rouse from my leth¬ 
argy, throw aside those habits of indolence and exert my¬ 
self for my own benefit and that of others, but here all 
has hitherto—for the resolutions, though deliberately 
formed and with the most positive determination to be 
kept have—proved evanescent as the dew of the morning, 
have vanished “like the—fabric of a vision and left not 
a wreck behind”. But apart from this constitutional or 
acquired tardiness which I, unhappily for myself, pos¬ 
sess, there are other circumstances which combine to pre¬ 
vent my departure from this country, or at least to in¬ 
crease my reluctance to depart. My friends, many of 
them, are sick, I have been so myself, and do not yet feel 
sufficiently recovered in health to set out in safety. I 
never expect to be back, and add to this my pecuniary 
embarrassments from which I cannot upon return com¬ 
mand funds to relieve me. True, I have property enough, 
and I expect a good deal more than enough to pay all my 
debts, but it is scattered in such a way that it will require 
half a life time to collect it together. When I left Cin¬ 
cinnati, I did not calculate on sinking money but on mak¬ 
ing some, and as father had promised me some, I had flat¬ 
tered myself that on my return I would be in a situation 
to get married. In this fond hope I have been disap¬ 
pointed. It is now impossible, and I despise the idea of 
returning there and going on in the old humdrtim way. 
If I had once more a fair start in the world, I think some¬ 
thing might be done, but under existing circumstances, a 
mind organized as mine is, has but little stimulus to ex¬ 
ertion. I could, I believe, make myself rich by marrying; 
but that is but a rascally way of begging, and by it I 
would forfeit my honor and do violence to my affections. 
Away with it, then. 

Nathan started on Tuesday morning and will fall in 
with Asa Brownson at Greensburg, from whence they 
will proceed on to Cincinnati together. I mean to set out 

Page 4 


in time to reach Chilicothe the last Monday of the pres¬ 
ent month, where the Legislature meets on that day. You 
had perhaps better not write me though until you hear 
from me again, as there is no knowing where your letter 
would find me. 

It is now 11 o’clock at night. All the family are in 
bed, and I write beside the Colonel who lies in the fever. 
It was extremely high all the evening, but has somewhat 
abated and he is now sort of sleeping. He made me quit 
my letter a while ago to write him the form of a deed 
from the heirs of Richard Brownson to a man who has 
purchased their Chest Valley farm. Has had the fever 
every afternoon and night for six days, as well as his 
daughter Rebecca, who has it now also. Nancy has been 
in town for some time, eight days, with Aunt Betsy who 
takes care of her child. Her health has been very deli¬ 
cate for some time, four months at least. Her friends 
despaired of her recovery for several weeks, though I 
never did. She underwent a course of Mercury, and now 
appears to be in a convalescent state. Heavy indeed 
would be John’s loss, were she to be called off. Bill’s 
family are pretty well recovered, though occasionally 
there are two or three of them down. 

Tuesday Morning. 

John and Rebecca are tolerable this morning, but old 
James is shaking like a quaking ash. I have just given 
him an—Antiphlogistic bolus—? that made him snuff like 
a bear. 

When I go to Chilicothe, I may perhaps offer for Sec¬ 
retary of State. It is worth nothing unless to a man who 
is settled there, and pursuing other business, but I will 
run for it, if at all, merely to mortify a few people. In 
case I should succeed I will practice law in Chilicothe. 

John and William are much displeased with you for 
not coming up. Mr. Lane will carry down the agreement 
which you will sign and let him be a witness. The will 
cannot be put on record nor the executors act until it is 
returned. I have said nothing to the Mercersburg lady, 
but I fancy she has changed her mind. I am afraid of it, 
and have been making engagements, more again. Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 

Page 5 


* 


Chilicothe, December 20th, 1801. 


Dear Tom: 

I have not had the pleasure of receiving a letter from 
you for some time, but I flatter myself I will find some 
when I return to Cincinnati. Our Legislature are now 
sitting here, and I came up ten or twelve days ago to set¬ 
tle a claim we have against the territory. Mr. Smith and 
Mr. St. Cla'ir came with me, who also have claims. We 
set out on our return tomorrow. The news of peace be¬ 
tween England and France, which we have unexpectedly 
received has been a shock to many of our citizens, who 
had purchased and were purchasing large cargoes of 
flour and pork to carry down the river. I am afraid 
many of them will suffer. Though I cannot but be 
pleased with an event which the voice of humanity so 
loudly demanded. I am sorry for the injury it will work 
our territory, and especially our own county which 
would, it is believed, have exported not less than 10,000 
barrels of . flour and the same quantity of pork this year. 
Pretty well, I think you will say for one county settled 
within six years. It is probable that now so much will 
not be exported, or if it is, it will not yield so good a 
price. 

There is however, another report which I think, if 
true, would be still more mischievous, when others think 
it would be greatly to the advantage. The report of Spain 
having declared war against the United States. I believe 
the report is not true. 

Mr. McFarland informs me he saw you in Baltimore, 
and that you were in good health and growing lusty. I 
am pleased to hear it. Your growing lusty is an argu¬ 
ment that you a*re regaining that strength of constitution 
which you had like to have lost by a rapid growth and too 
close application to business. 

Yesterday a bill passed the House of Representatives, 
for removing the seat of Government from this place to 
Cincinnati. Tomorrow it will pass the council without 
doubt. I, therefore, expect once more to have a seat in 
the Legislature. 

Page 6 


» 


I left Brother and Sister well, and I have the pleas¬ 
ure to say I am perfectly so myself. Write me frequently. 
I should be glad to see you in this country. I am with 
much respect, 

Your friend and brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


W 

Cincinnati, May 16th, 1802. 

Dear Tom: 

I have been for this half hour biting my nails and 
hammering my cranium to forge out some poetical lines, 
and can make nothing of it. The students of the Cincin¬ 
nati Academy intend acting a play in a few days, and 
have requested me to write them an epilogue. I told them 
I was no poet, but they insisted, however, and I promised 
them I would try. I began a while ago to make the ex¬ 
periment and proceed for about 14 lines, much better than 
I expected, but there I completely stalled. I cannot for 
my soul get the sense, measure, rhyme, and poetic figures 
to correspond and I am much afraid the students must do 
without a'n epilogue. I have sat down to write you as a 
relief from the fatigue of study, by the time I have fin¬ 
ished, my fancy, perhaps, may have improved. 

Yours of the 22nd came duly to hand containing a 
great deal of political information for which you will ac¬ 
cept the “Coinage” of my thanks. I read sc part of your 
letter a few days ago to some gentlemen, when one of 
them, who is a good judge, and who had before heard me 
read part of your letters, said that you had an ease, ele¬ 
gance, force of expression for epistolary writing that few 
ever attained. 

It has long been surprising to me that the powers of 
Europe have not taken some energetic means of checking 
the ambitions of Bonaparte, if they do not soon, I should 
not be surprised at his attempting the subjugation of all 
Europe and perhaps America. Fact is he must be en¬ 
gaged in war somewhere. He dare not disband his army, 

Page 7 


and he cannot support them in France, unless he should 
be fortunate enough to find graves for a large proportion 
of them in the West Indies, which I believe was his prin¬ 
cipal motive for sending them there. I am afraid he will 
plant a military colony in Louisiana, that will prove ex¬ 
tremely troublesome to us. 

You want to know the politics of our territory, in 
this I cannot give you any certain satisfaction. A ma¬ 
jority of our present Legislature are Federal, but in our 
election the great question of party that divides the Union 
was not taken into view. We have two parties of our 
own, and the question was not “is he a Democrat, or 
Federalist/’ but “is he of the Governor’s or of Judge 
Symmes’ party,” so that nothing can be drawn from the 
political features of our Legislature. We have never had 
any voice in the great affairs of the nation, and, of course, 
the people have not yet divided themselves in such a man¬ 
ner so as to anyone to judge of their respective strength. 
I believe, however, or hope, that there is in the territory 
a majority of Federalists. It is also uncertain who would 
carry for Governor at a popular election, but then ap¬ 
pears some-to believe, that our present old chief 

-. He has many warm enemies, but he has also 

many warm friends, among those are the most respecta¬ 
ble citizens of the territory, and there is scarce anyone 
who knows him or has ever had any business with him 
that would not support him. He is certainly better calcu¬ 
lated to administer the Government than anv other man 

•j 

in the territory or perhaps any other in the United States. 
I have not a doubt but he will be displaced by Jefferson, 
but thank God that is no disgrace. The Secretary is play¬ 
ing the devil in his absence, making every man in the ter¬ 
ritory a justice or something else. He is courting popu¬ 
larity, but I think he will miss his aim, for he wfill lose 
the opinion and good will of two where he acquires that 
of one. I expect by the time you receive this you will be 
about starting to this country. I shall not therefore, 
write you again until I hear further from you. Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Page 8 




Cincinnati, December 19 th, 1802. 


Dear Tom: 

After so long a suspension on your part of our corre¬ 
spondence, you may be a'ssured that your long letter of 
the 25th ult. gave me singular pleasure. It came to hand 
last mail, but I was prevented by the hurry of business 
from acknowledging it by the return. 

Our worthy friend John Brownson now sits at the 
opposite side of the table writing some of his Whiskey 
Hun friends. I have found much pleasure in his com¬ 
pany and the detail of domestic occurrence, I have 
gained from him, has afforded high satisfaction. I hear 
so seldom from that country that my curiosity wa's quite 
alive and he has spared no pains to gratify it. 

I have seen Tom Paines’ two first letters to the peo¬ 
ple, which I think will well serve as specimens of virility 

and blackguardism at Billingsgate or in the- of 

Drury Lane. They cannot do a*ny harm, and I think may 
do some good. Certainly no person that is not already 
too far lost to decency to have any chance of reformation 
will pay any respect or put any belief in them, and those 
of decency who respect their own character or that of 
their country must be disgusted with such vile calumny 
and perhaps be thus driven to espouse the other side of 
the cause. I observe in the Telegraph, which I received, 
some observation on his boasted services wherein they 
compare him to what they call “The once gallant Ar¬ 
nold”. I do not believe the expression a correct one. Ar¬ 
nold was never brave, it is well known to all the old offi¬ 
cers that he would never fight but when drunk, he merely 
joined the service for a living and when he saw better 
prospects by quitting us he did so. He never felt a glow 
of patriotism. His soul was incapable of it. It was too 
mean. Just so I believe with Tom Paine. He took the 
part of the colonies because it was interest to do so, and 
because he hated his mother country, and perhaps to grat¬ 
ify his propensity for commotion and turbulance. I do 
not believe that he ever felt interested for the prosperity 
of this country more than he now does, and that you 
know how to appreciate. 


Page 9 



From my acquaintance with a number of old officers, 
which I have had an opportunity of making here, I have 
been able to glean a number of curious interesting anec¬ 
dotes of different characters that is not generally known 
and is mentioned in writings of the times. I have some¬ 
times thought of occasionally in my letters giving you 
some of this information arranged as well as possible in 
the proper order of time, these would form a kind of se¬ 
cret history and might be called “Glenings of American 
History.” 

Mr. Jefferson has thought proper to break our Gov¬ 
ernor, who had, by the constitution, but about two 
months to administer the government, besides he had no 
power. This was carrying persecution farther than I had 
thought even Jefferson capable of, but I cannot write on 
the subject without irritation. It will however make this 
worthy old gentleman very popular. To see him you 
would not suppose anything of the kind had happened, he 
is in the best of spirits, sets out tomorrow for Philadel¬ 
phia. 

I have yet several letters to write and am in haste. 
Your friends all well. Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


V 


Washington, Ky., January 17th, 1803. 

Dear Tom: 

Two of your letters have come to hand since I wrote 
you. I have no good excuse for not sooner 1 noting them. 
The fact is that when at leisure I never felt in st writing 
mood. It is now so cold I shall not be able to write more 
than a page. 

I had occasion to draw on your house this day for 
$200,00 in favor of John Thompson, or order. I flatter 
myself you will honor the bill for you may be assured the 
money will be deposited in your hands before the day of 
payment, six days sight, unless I should break my neck, 

Page 10 


or meet with some such accident. If I could make my col¬ 
lections I would have money plenty to answer all my pur¬ 
poses and some to spare. 

I expect brother John and myself will start in about 
three weeks at farthest from this time, and I flatter my¬ 
self I will be in Baltimore ea'rly in March. I will set out 
for Cincinnati in two or three days if I can get across the 
river, but it is freezing so hard that it is doubtful. 

My ink freezes in the pen, must quit. You need not 
write me after receiving this, as I will be gone before it 
can come to hand. Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 




Washington, Ky., October 2nd, 1803. 

Dear Tom: 

Yours of the 5th ult. is now before me, and I thank 
you for it sincerely, for your advice, your reasoning, 
your gaiety, and above all your candor. I am not dis¬ 
posed to view, as you seem to fear, the language of your 
letter as that of dictation. No, I am too well convinced 
of the motives by which you are actuated, that friendship 
enlivened by brotherly affection, prompt every senti¬ 
ment, every expression. Fully convinced of the correct¬ 
ness of this opinion, whether your letters wear the for¬ 
bidding feature of stern command, or the soothing smile 
of mild persuasion, whether they appear in the alluring 
garb of flattering eulogy, or with the harsher front of 
rugged censure, still will I duly appreciate their worth, 
still will I esteem them valuable, and still from their 
perusal derive happiness. 

Whether the establishment of a Federal paper at 
Lexington would “prove either honorable to my genius 
or profitable to my purse”, I have my doubts. I formerly, 
when you and myself were Cow Boys and whistled over 
the lea, thought I had something of what is termed genius, 
and I believe yet I had then, and what was, I find, 
still better, I had then a turn for application. But my 


Page 11 


friends flattered me. I became wise in my own conceit. 
My head I believe was too weak to stand flattery, I be¬ 
came elated with the idea of my own mental powers and 
thought further application only a waste of that time that 
ought to be employed in instructing the world. I have 
long since discovered how outrageously I was deceived, 
and find that I know nothing. To know this would be 
an advantage, but that before I made the discovery I had 
lost all relish for studv, nor do I now see that I will ever 
regain it. Beside, I could not exhibit myself to the public 
view to so much disadvantage in any other stand than as 
Editor of a party paper, for above all things I have no 
talent for controversial writing. It is abhorent to my 
venture, I cannot deliberately say a harsh thing of any¬ 
body without making a sacrifice of feeling. I am too 
much disposed to think every one honest. From all this 
I think there would be but a slender chance of its prov¬ 
ing honorable to my genius. I might lose the credit I 
already have in that way, for my acquaintances, though 
I feel myself more and more cursed with stupidity, think 
me a “smart fellow”. As to the profit of the thing, it 

is not very promising. I can go on such,-to be sure 

of losing nothing, and have a prospect of making, but the 
prospect is not sufficiently bright to be very persuasive. 
It is impossible for me to tell you what I will do. There 
are fields enough open but I am prevented by the want 
of capital from embarking them. 

I returned from Cincinnati on Tuesday last, where I 
spent a few happy days. I went on to see Brownson. He 
is living in a little cabin with 800 workmen and 200 dirty 
children about him. He had on his working clothes and 
a long beard. You know, of course, he looked well. He 
is making some salt, enough I believe to meet his ex¬ 
penses, but I do not believe his prospects are very flat¬ 
tering. This I feel sorry for. No man in being secluded 
from society makes a greater sacrifice than Brownson, 
and it is a great pity that it should be for nothing. The 
land is at all events worth more than the money he gave 
for it. 

We had a dance at Cincinnati, where “Joy reigned, 

Page 12 


> 



and pleasure lit the smiling scene”. I feel myself strong¬ 
ly attached to that place, and do not find that absence 
tends to weaken it. 

I have been reading Hayley’s Triumphs of Temper, 
and am delighted with it. His plan may be objectionable, 
he perhaps carries us too far into the fairyland of fiction, 
and makes too much use of the agency of imaginary be¬ 
ings, but be his plan as it may I think it very happily exe¬ 
cuted. His fancy is brilliant, his numbers smooth, his 
figures bold and his expression strong and clear. He 
views things with the eye of philosophy, and copies with 
the hand of a painter. 

Upon looking over my letter, a thing I very seldom 
do, I find that I have used the first person singular as 
often, at least, as elegance required. My friends often 
tell me that the pronoun “I” is a favorite letter with me, 
and perhaps it is correct. 

One of my friends took himself a wife a few evenings 
ago, he brought her to town yesterday evening and I am 
invited to dine with him today. It is now the time, and I 
must go, though it would be more pleasant to let it alone. 
I never felt in a more humdrum humor in my life. I have 
no more spirits than a flat iron. Perhaps the ladies may 
enliven me, though I never discovered that any of them 
possessed any great powers to produce an effect of that 
kind. Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 




Irwintown Mills (Penn.), October 8, 1804. 

Dear Tom: 

Yesterday I had the pleasure of receiving your let¬ 
ter written a few days back. Jt was, however, a sorry 
pleasure compared to that I expected of seeing you. We 
all calculated to a certainty your being up at this time, 
and this is the dav vou were wanted, but a later one will 
have to answer. True in my letter I did not tell you for 


Page 13 


what you were wanted, but you will observe that my let¬ 
ter breaks off and closes very abruptly. The fact is, Mr. 
Mares would not wait one moment longer notwithstand¬ 
ing aril my entreaties. He was on horseback and I was 
obliged to end my letter as it was or not at all. But if I 
recollect accurately my request, though not accompanied 
by a detail of circumstances, was forcible and explicit. 

The necessity in your being here arises from an in¬ 
formality in our father’s will, or rather from an altera- 
tion which he wished to make in it, but by his rapid de¬ 
cline and speedy dissolution was prevented. It is thought 
necessary that we should all bind ourselves to the altera¬ 
tion so that the executors may direct the estate accord¬ 
ingly and this must be done before Nat and myself go 
away. John and William are executors of the will. James 
was written to on the subject the Monday after father’s 
death, and his answer is expected by this day’s post. You 
will come up as early as possible. Mr. F. will be home I 
suppose in a few days. 

It was father’s particular request and death-bed 
charge that none of his friends should wear mourning for 
him and positively instructed John and William that 
none should be distributed. This request has been reli¬ 
giously complied with and not one of his friends wear a 
single badge of mourning. When I came up I took off 
mine and perhaps you had not better appear in mourning 
when you come up as it would have a singular appear¬ 
ance. 

I have had another attack of Ague, but am now well 
enough. John’s family are all better, William’s generally 
so, but Nancy is in a very unpleasant way, but I thought 
she was a little better yesterday. I have heard of no new 
cases and but few relapses since the cool weather set in. 
Aunt is calling me to help up with a cider press and I 
have been writing under the whip all through. God bless 
you. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Page 14 


On Board the Dispatch off mouth of 
Cumberland, Sept. 17, 1805. 

Dear Tom: 

It is not that I have anything worth your notice to 
communicate that I now sit down to write you, but partly 
to relieve myself from the tedium of idleness, and close 
confinement and partly to let you know that I have not 
forgotten you, which you might perhaps conclude was the 
case, should I longer neglect you. But what to write I 
am sure I can not tell, for I have not an idea 1 about me, 
nor do I believe there is one in all the country round 
about that could be either borrowed or stolen. My mind 
is as barren as the beaches by which I am passing, or the 
arid deserts of “Mr. Jefferson's Paradise'’, to which I 
am going—of all employments and situations in the 
world I think, nay I am sure, my present one is the most 
stupifying. 

Here I am, shut up in about three feet square, on the 
stern of a keel boat. I do, with all my heart, unite in the 
wish that youth made of the street of Paris, ‘‘that my 
cage was a little wider that I might know which side of 
it I am on.” 

Besides, for twenty days I have been blest with as 
pleasant a broiling sun over my head as Kellmalloeh him¬ 
self experienced. Then I am out in the water pushing 
by boat off the sand bars, half a dozen times a day and 
twelve hours at a stretch and that at night too; so that, 
take the whole thing together, I find it a mighty idea 
killing kind of a business. It obscures the judgment, clips 
the wings of fancy, and paralyzes every effort of the 
mind. But I am never left entirelv without a theme, 
when every subject falls then comes “myself the little 
hero of the tale”, and a very pleasant theme it is and that 
“my soul delighteth to honor”. Enow then that I left 
Cincinnati on Wednesday the 2Sth of August; and by 
poleing and rowing and sailing, and hauling, I have been 
able to reach the place from whence this letter is dated 
by this morning, which is a distance of 500 miles in 20 
days, which I believe averages 25 miles per day. From 
this you will see I have had a tedious time of it. In high 


Page 15 


water a boat would have floated the same distance in six 
days. Tonight I should reach Fort Massac, which is 20 
miles below this place and 40 miles above the mouth of 
this river. From there I shall forward this letter which 
I will leave open until I arrive there and will note any¬ 
thing worthy of it that may be seen or heard. M hen I 
get into the Mississippi I will make a more rapid progress 
when under way, but I will be somewhat detained at the 
different Military posts, at all of which I have to stop, 
one of them is 40 miles up the Arkansas river which I 
will have to ascend. 

In my letter from Cin. informing you of my design 
to make this trip you were informed that I was to visit 
the posts on Black and Red rivers West of Mississippi. 
I now believe I shall not, though I can not be positive 
until I reach Orleans, but I hope it will not be neces- 
sarv, for I would have three or four hundred miles trav- 
elling through a wilderness, and great part of it very 
swampy. My route however will be extended the other 
course something further than was at first contemplated. 
From Tombigby I shall go down to Pensacola, where I 
will have the honor of making my bow to his excellency 
el Marquis de Capa Fouche, Colonel of the Royal Armies, 
Governor Civil, Political and Military of His Catholic 
Majesty’s Province of West Florida, etc., etc. If it be not 
necessary for me then to return to Bayou Sarah to see his 
lordship Don Carlos de Grandprie Governor of Baton 
Rouge, I shall from Pensacola go round by water, but 
where I shall land is uncertain, perhaps at Charleston, 
and from there direct to Cin. without touching at Penn, 
perhaps at Few York, or it may be at Baltimore. If, 
however from Pensacola it will be necessary to return to 
Baton Rouge (200 miles above Orleans) I shall then re¬ 
turn to Cin. by land through the wilderness. 

Fort Massac, Sept. 18, 1805. 

I arrived here yesterday evening and found it a very 
poor place. The garrison consists of 22 men. It is com¬ 
manded at present by Lieut. Hilld, who appears a gentle- 

Page 16 


man, as does also Dr. King, the surgeon. But this is all, 
there are but few inhabitants and these are a set of poor 
French, who trade with the Indians. I am out of provi¬ 
sions and can not procure an ounce of anything excepting 
a poor hog, nor is there money in all the place to buy a 
bill on Cin. or Phil, for one hundred dollars, which sum I 
have unexpectedly to raise for the use of the contract. I 
am heartily sick of the place, it has given me the spleen, 
and if I do not soon get away I shall be bed fast. From 
the best information I can procure the next post, New 
Madrid, is rather worse, ’tis a cursed business. 

Your affectionate brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 

Mr. Thomas Findlay. 


V 


Georgetown, Feb. 23rd, 1807. 

Brother Tom: 

I have been expecting the pleasure of a letter from 
you for the last ten days, but have been disappointed. 
Perhaps you did not receive my last, written, I think, 
about 12 or 14 days since. 

For the last week, I have had a very violent cold, and 
been considerably indisposed. I have dreaded, and yet 
dread, an attack of pleurisy, which has been very preva¬ 
lent here and in the neighborhood. I will, however, use 
such precautions as promise most freely to elude it. 

Mr. Rind wishes to sell his establishment and I am 
determined if possible to become a purchaser. With one 
thousand dollars, and more than that have I thrown away 
in the most foolish manner, I could do the thing with ease 
and make beyond all doubt, barring merely human liabil¬ 
ity to accident, make an independent fortune in 12 to 15 
years. I will, I believe, make the effort without a cent, 
but the prospect of success is not very flattering. This 
morning I commenced my prospectus, but my brain is so 


Page 17 


habitated with cold, that I could produce nothing. I 
would enlarge the paper, print three times a week dur¬ 
ing the session of Congress, and give the paper a new ap¬ 
pearance, and new political consequence. If I do con¬ 
clude to take it I will issue subscription papers in a few 
days at $6.00 per annum, payable in advance, and will 
depend on this advance money enabling me to pay $1500 
by the first of May. There are now about 700 subscrib¬ 
ers to the paper, and I should calculate on obtaining two 
or three hundred more by that time. The price of the es¬ 
tablishment is $2500 on $1000 of which I could get a 
credit of 1 or 2 years, and $500 of it would be payable at 
bank $70.00 every 55 days. It will be a pretty bold en¬ 
gagement for a man without a dollar, but there is nothing 
made by being timid, and I think I shall risk it. 

If you get any Cincinnati or Mercersburg news, pray 
let me have it, at all events write me. Let me know my 
good fortune should you learn that I have drawn a fourth 
or an eighth of the $30,000 in the New York lottery. 

Since I arrived here, I wrote a long and very pain¬ 
ful letter to a friend of mine in the Western country. If 
it is answered, the answer will come to your care, or un¬ 
der cover to you. Pray forward it, when it comes. 

Do you get Ralfs Philadelphia Gazette? There occa¬ 
sionally appears in it some Quaker letters noting the pro¬ 
ceedings of Congress in a style generally laughable and 
sometimes severe. They are written by Charles Prentiss 
who reports for us, who is certainly a man of genius and 
humor, but very lazy. 

John Wood, the editor of the Atlantic World, etc., is 
standing beside me, who I believe to be as void of princi¬ 
pal as a vacuum is of a shadow. He is a man of mind. 

Respects to Sister and Nieces. Make my respects to 
the old gent and lady, Dr. Dunkle, etc. 

Accept my assurances of brotherly affection. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Page 18 


Georgetown, April 8th, 1807. 


Brother Tom: 

The morning after putting my last in the post office, 
I received a letter from you, which, as usual, was some 
three or four days old. 

Since that time I was nearly ready to set out I knew 
not whither to seek my fortune I know not how. In the 
season of preparation a clerkship in the Auditor’s office 
became vacant by the death of the incumbent. It was 
suggested to me by some friends at this place that I had 
better apply for the post. It was represented as well cal¬ 
culated to further my views as it would leave me abund¬ 
ant leisure for studying law, and the salary would afford 
me more than support. The thing was, viewed in this 
light, inviting enough, but then it burst upon me sudden 
as a thunder clap. Not more nonplussed was the New 
York Colonel when he encountered the pump than your 
brother was to know how to act in this emergency. There 
was something in the very sound of “Clerk” that abashed 
me. Of all the various modes of making a living, which 
have emanated from my prolific brain, and they have 
been numerous, and some of them no common ones, I 
never once dreamt, no not for a moment, of that by writ¬ 
ing. There is something more preposterous in it than 
having a man of the name of Aaron for a king; and in 
spite of all my late saturnity, (why may I not be allowed 
to make a word), it provoked me to laugh. I, however, 
set about mustering my forces, when I found the friend 
in whom I had most dependence was out of town. I made 
a sort of application, that is, I wrote to the Auditor that 
I would apply as soon as I could arm myself with proper 
support, if he did not make the appointment in the mean¬ 
time. This, however, he has done this morning. It was 
given to a fat laughing good-natured Democrat with a 
large family. I cannot be sorry for this, and I shall be 
better prepared for the next vacancy which will soon 
happen. The late one would have suited me well in one 
respect. I am told the duties consisted principally in cal¬ 
culation. Though I do not write well, I can add up, sub¬ 
tract, multiply, though I am no great hand at increasing, 


Page 19 


divide, etc., as fast and as accurately as most people, and 
I could hire some boy to make the figures for me. I have 
no great hopes from this scheme, but I shall nurse it for 
a week or two. 

I wish you would learn whether my New York tick¬ 
ets drew anything and if they did have the proceeds vest¬ 
ed in some other lottery now drawing. I began with 
$10.00 and I wish to keep them afloat as long as they will 
float, enough to float me along the stream of life more 
comfortably than heretofore. 

I have written this in the twilight, and in such a 
thundering hurry, for I am much pressed for time, that 
it is doubtful whether you can read it. 

I have spent two pleasant evenings reading Salma¬ 
gundi. It has considerable merit, Dr. Courtie’s opinion 
to the contrary notwithstanding. Dead it. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 




Georgetown, May 26th, 1807. Sunday. 

Brother Tom: 

Yours of the 10th and 7th, I have the pleasure of re¬ 
ceiving two days since after a long silence. I suppose 
you will for sometime be so busy selling ginger and all¬ 
spice and nutmegs and molasses that you will not have 
a moment left for writing. Meanwhile I am glad to find 
that you are all well and well doing. I find by a Car¬ 
lisle paper that you have changed your mode of doing 
business and that hereafter you are to keep a cash busi¬ 
ness. If you acre able to adhere to this resolution, I doubt 
not you will find it advantageous, but you have a great 
many friends whom you could not well refuse. You will 
perhaps be able to confine your credits within a narrower 
limit than formerly and this is all you will be able to 
effect and all that you probably intend effecting. 

I am not very well today, and feel a great degree of 
dullness, so that I scarce know with what to eke out my 
sheet. One of my favorite subjects has ever been myself 


Page 20 


and I have reason to believe that it is not interesting to 
you. On the subject, I shall therefore say something. 

For some time past I have been deterred from tak¬ 
ing any decisive step as regards my future pursuits, part¬ 
ly by difficulties which presented themselves, and partly 
from some indirect observations of Mr. Rind which in¬ 
duced me to hope that before long I might form a con¬ 
nection with him on good terms, as I found I was gaining 
not only with him but in the place generally. I thought 
it might be as well to rest a while on my oars, nor have 
my hopes been entirely unfounded. Last week he pro¬ 
posed a partnership, and desired me to define terms, I 
submitted to him in writing terms to this amount—That 
I should issue proposals for the Federalist with each 
prospectus as I thought proper, and in case I obtained 
three hundred subscribers and the advance money, was 
to be admitted a partner and receive one-third the pro¬ 
fits, he to be at the expense of a new fount of type and 

the paper was to be enlarged and -. He gave me no 

answer to these proposals, but yesterday made others to 
me, which are certainly very fair, and I flatter myself 
will prove very advantageous to me. It is that I issue 
subscription papers such as I choose, and whatever num¬ 
ber of subscribers I get, I am to derive the whole advan¬ 
tage of without any expense as to publication, only my 
own paper. He prints it, finds the hands, material and 
etc., as he now does, without any additional compensa¬ 
tion to what he now has, that is his present subscription 
list, and the advertising custom. I am to be whole and 
exclusive editor of the paper as a consideration for which 
I am to receive the whole increase of subscribers should 
that be 1000 or more. To make it more plain, suppose I 

receive 300 subscribers at $5.00 per annum.$1500.00 

Deduct for paper, $1.04 each subscriber. 312.00 

Leaving for my editorial services the sum of.... 9S8.00 

I know not how many subscribers may be obtained. 
There has been 2000 to the paper. There are now but 
600. If I would restore it to its original number, I would 
be making a future. 500 would be—and 300 would more 
than support me. Less than that number I will not em- 


Page 21 





bark in it. This week I shall issue the proposals and 
forward them throughout the Union. If there should not 
be enough obtained to make it an object to me, subscribers 
will be supplied by Mr. Rind, and I will receive a $8.00 
per week for the time am engaged in so that there is no 
danger of a disappointment on either hand. What think 
you of this plan? You will soon hear from me again. God 
bless you. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Georgetown, June 2nd, 1807. 

Brother Thomas: 

I had not intended writing you until I should have 
had the pleasure of hearing from you. It is a pleasure of 
infrequent recurrence, and has now been suspended be¬ 
yond the usual time. Tonight’s mail, I have no doubt 
will gratify my longing, and as I have more time today 
than I shall probably have tomorrow, I will answer your 
expected letter, as a lawyer would say, nunc pro tune— 
that is now for then. 

You no doubt were induced by my last to expect a 
Prospectus of the Washington Federalist e’er this time; 
but together with the hurry of business and with sickness, 
I have been unable to even write a Prospectus, let alone 
to print it, nor do I know when I will. There is such an 
increase of work in consequence of Burr’s trial that all 
the journeymen are engaged, and I cannot procure one 
to assist. I am and have been for some days unable to 
work, and am at present under the operation “jal and 
cal.” 

I shall, however, as soon as I get better, or can pro¬ 
cure some assistance, issue proposals and forward them to 
every part of the Union. If I procure 200 subscribers, 
I shall continue, if not, I shall transfer them to Mr. Rind, 
and try something else. But when I consider the utility 
of, and a demand for, a spirited Federal paper at the seat 
of Government, and my numerous acquaintances in dif- 


Page 22 



ferent parts of the Union I can hardly doubt of obtaining 
that number at least. Whatever can be obtained beyond 
200 will be going so far towards a good business. 

Have you read Scott’s Lay of the Last Minstrel? If 
you have give me your opinion of it somewhat at length, 
and if you have leisure, point out some of the passages 
which particularly pleased you, etc. If you had time to 
do with every new work you read, it would interest and 
amuse me, and be serviceable to yourself, by obliging you 
to read with attention and discriminate with care. 

Remember me very affectionately to Sister Jane. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


13 

Georgetown, June 7th, 1807. 

Brother Tom: 

Though I have not mentioned my arrangement with 
Mr. Rind to any person but yourself, I should have been 
well pleased to have had the opinion of } 7 our Democratic 
Trio on my plan—not for the value of it, but merely for 
curiosity. Neither of them know anything about it, and 
if they did they would view it through a false medium. 
Binns was taken to Philadelphia to supplant Duane, if he 
should prove restive. They have become somewhat 
ashamed as well as afraid of Duane, and they take this 
step to bind him to good behavior, but Binns is, if poa- 
sible, more infamous than Duane, and not so able an ed‘ 
itor. The fact is they have but three or four editors of 
any talents among them, and they, so far as I know, are 
all men of infamous character. 

You mention two circumstances which you think 
will probably militate against my obtaining subscribers, 
the present depreciated character of the paper, and re¬ 
quiring the money in advance. They had both occurred 
to me and certainly both have weight. The first is greatly 
weakened by the anxiety which distinguished Federalists 
throughout the Union feel for the support of a Federal 
paper at the seat of Government. My own industry and 


Pa ga 23 


care must do the rest. The second cannot be avoided, it 
may prevent some from subscribing, but on any other con¬ 
ditions many would subscribe who would never pay, so 
that it is the least of two evils, and a paper calculated 
for a different circulation can never be supported other¬ 
wise. It is time that some printers have received money 
and never furnished papers. But it injures more those 
who are about to establish a new business than those who 
merely conduct one already established. The risk that an 
old paper will fail is not one-fourth so great as that a new 
one will, which has not yet tried its strength and the pub¬ 
lic confidence is stronger in an old one than in a new pa¬ 
per. Besides, the Federalist cannot fail. Its mercantile 
patronage in Georgetown and the City, independent of 
all other aid, make it a lucrative establishment- For the 
last two years it has had little else to support it, but I 
will reserve my Prospectus until I find Mr. Rind able to 
procure additional material which he promised me he 
would. I will not pledge myself to the public to publish 
a respectable paper without the means of doing so. I 
have |200.00 due me here. If I could get them, I would 
then dash away, or even f100.00 would get the most neces¬ 
sary articles. 

Remember me affectionately to sister. The bell is 
ringing. I must to church. Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


V 

Georgetown, August 6th, 1807. 

Brother Tom: 

T. G. Lane arrived here yesterday morning, who in¬ 
forms me that our Franklin friends are well. 

After some difficulty, a Volunteer Company was 
formed here last night of which I was chosen Orderly Ser¬ 
geant. Upon going out this morning to procure my uni¬ 
form, I found there was not an article of it to be had in 
town. I am therefore under the necessity of troubling 
you to procure me three yards of blue cloth from $4.50 

Page 24 


to $5.50 per yard, 10 yards silver cord, 1 pair Sergeant’s 
knots, white and large, and a handsome red plume, and 
forward them to me by Saturday or Sunday’s stage. I 
do not send you the money, because I have it not, and 
because my master has none at this moment. You shall 
have it ere long. I might have had the command of the 
company, I fully believe, but for reasons too tedious to 
detail, I declined anything above a Sergeantcy. 

I am much pleased with the specimens of type which 
you sent me, and will probably want a fount of the bre¬ 
vier, say 250 instead of 200 pounds. But on this subject 
I will write you particularly in one or two days. I feel 
no doubt, but in 60 days from the first of September I 
can pay myself for the fount, and Mr. Rind says he can. 
I expect to issue my prospectus in Wednesday’s or at 
farthest, in Saturday’s paper, for which purpose I will 
thank you to forward me a bundle of royal paper. Please 
also to forward some for Mr. Rind. If Royal cannot be 
had, send-, for we are out. 

This is demanding pretty liberally of you all at once, 
but occasions press, and I hope if fortunate not to be 
troublesome to you in the future. 

Your affectionate brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 

Write me by the first mail. 




Georgetown, August 18th, 1807 

Brother Tom: 

I have only time before the mail closes to request 
you to forward me immediately a Plume higher than you 
sent before. I was obliged to let a friend have that plume. 
Note the price of both. 

My friend, A. D. Smith, sits beside me. My Pro¬ 
spectus will be out tomorrow if you give me paper tonight. 
Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Page 25 



Georgetown, Aug. 23rd, 1807. 


Brother Thomas: 

You were good enough to promise some time since, 
that if I wished for some paper on which to print an ad¬ 
ditional number of the Federalist containing my prospec¬ 
tus you would forward it. In consequence thereof I wrote 
about ten days ago desiring you to forward me a bundle 
in time for last Wednesday's paper, when my prospectus 
appeared. It did not however arrive, and I kept it stand¬ 
ing and wrote you requesting you to forward it in time 
for yesterday’s paper, and also if Cunningham had col¬ 
lected any money to send on the amount of it in paper. 
Again I have been disappointed. I am now obliged to 
keep my prospectus standing for Wednesday’s paper, by 
which time I do hope you will forward me a bundle (2 
reams), for it is of great consequence to me that I have 
enough of paper to distribute through the Union. Its 
circulation has heretofore been confined to Mr. Rind’s 
subscribers, who are very limited in both extent and num¬ 
bers. Try and get Cunningham to collect what accounts 
are in his hands and send the amount on in paper. I am 
obliged to be thus troublesome to you now, from the total 
want of means myself. In two or three months, if I am in 
a more business doing way, I shall curse the world and be 
ready to quit it. 

How do you like my address ? Some here think it too 
warm. I had no friend to consult on the occasion. It was 
written and copied in four hours from the time I first sat 
down to it. The one I told you in a former I had begun, 
I threw away. The plan I did not like, and the present I 
may fairly call extemporaneous, there is not one bor¬ 
rowed idea or performed expression. The arrangement 
is not unexceptionable. 

I wrote you some days ago for a plume. The one 
which you heretofore were good enough to send me, I was 
obliged to let a friend have. Besides it was rather low. 
Do send me a handsome one, so that I may get it before 
Friday. 

The Captain of our company has been promoted to a 
Majority, and last night I was elected Captain, not only 


Page 26 


over the two Lieutenants, but in opposition to my most 
earnest serious and repeated declarations to the contrary. 
I did everything I could do for the first, and—against 
myself and told them I would not have it, but they would 
not believe me. I shall, not however, I know, be commis¬ 
sioned, the Secretary at war will never commission a man 
who—would write such an address as mine of Monday 
last, I shall command the company next Friday, and then 
I expect to go again into the ranks. I shall get no sword 
or epaulet until I see how matters stand. I have been 
sick all week. Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


13 

Georgetown, September 8th, 1807. 

Dear Tom: 

I had only just put my letter of yesterday into the 
post office when I received yours of the preceding day. I 
regret to hear that Sister continues indisposed. 

I had hoped that Lower would have been able to fur¬ 
nish the fount of type by an earlier day than the first of 
October. As it would hasten the business I should gladly 
forward the old metal immediately, but we cannot spare 
it until we receive the new type. I intend publishing on 
the fine paper Cunningham speaks of. Besides the pleas¬ 
ure and the credit of it, I expect it will be advantageous. 

At present I expect my first number will contain a 
good deal of original matter, some by myself and some 
by other hands. 

You seem to think but little of our Bo-Peep, or as 
you have it, Peep-Bo correspondent. Some of the articles 
are not to be sure very indicative of it, but his genius is 
of the first order, and his information of wide range. He 
is not however a very happy writer. He is about to fur¬ 
nish us with an important series of Essays, under the head 
of “American Politics”, and his intention is, by these 
light articles, to make the public laugh at those wild the¬ 
oretic projects of defense of which our administration 


Page 27 


appears so fond, by placing them in a ludicrous light. He 
does not, however, always catch the ludicrous with ludi¬ 
crous or impart it with love. 

I most shrewdly suspect the Aurora will attack Bill, 

and “that there -” before long. I feel pretty strong 

in the belief that Leib and Duane are planning to bring 
one of themselves forward for Governor. Which of these 
virtuous disinterested patriots is to be the candidate, is 
not yet certain, nor do I believe it will be easily settled 
between them. They are both such good friends of the 
people, that either will be eager to—their attachment by 
knowing chief servant of the household. Indeed I have 
some fears that these two guardians of the people’s right 
may quarrel about the point. There is but one circum¬ 
stance which I know of to prevent it. They have so long 
been leagued in villainy, that there would now be danger 
in separating. 

I fear my friend Beatty is too sanguine in his calcu¬ 
lation of subscribers, but I shall be well pleased to find 
him, in this instance as I have generally found him, cor¬ 
rect. 

We have received no Richmond papers for sometime, 
but I hear Burr’s trial for a misdemeanor is progressing. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Georgetown, September 19th, 1807. 

Brother Tom: 

I received your favor of the 16th last night, and 
thank you for your attention to my request. It was some¬ 
thing of a disappointment that the paper did not come on 
sooner, but it was no fault of yours. It is a miserable 
mode of procuring it, but I have nothing to do with it. I 
shall soon correct the procedure. 

I observed the survey article in your evening Post, 
but such articles neither irritate my passion nor wound 
my feelings. Indeed they excite no emotion whatever. I 
know not what Park said, for I never received the num- 


Page 28 



ber which noticed my address, and I thought he had neg¬ 
lected it altogether until I saw the article in the Post. 
The Franklin Paper, The Carlisle Paper, The Gazette U. 
S. and The New York Evening Post, The Refectory, I be¬ 
lieve the Newbery Post Herald,—have all republished my 
address, some with praise, and some without comment. 
The Aurora American Post and a Perry democratic paper 
in Middletown has attacked it. The American article was 
copied into a Charleston paper. These are all the news¬ 
paper notices I yet know of. I have had letters from the 
north and the south and the west giving me encourage 
ment, but I know not what speed is made in obtaining 
subscribers. I have yet received no returns. I expect 
that many will want to see the paper before they sub¬ 
scribe, for at present there is no confidence in it. I am 
resolved that the typographical part shall be well exe¬ 
cuted, and that lias no little effect in pleasing the public. 
To the editorial duties I will pay a rigid attention, but I 
do not know that I shall write much. I never will be a 
good editorial writer. 

You asked me for information and I have thus de¬ 
tailed to you all I possess. I have not yet heard whether 
John succeeded certainly, but have heard it was the re¬ 
port, as well as a contrary one. I will know tonight. 

I wish you would hurry Lower with the type and 
write me the day I may come on for them. I will not 
begin until I get them. 

I am much pleased to hear that Sister is better and 
I hope she will continue so. I had a letter from Brown- 
son a few days since inviting me to his wedding. I have 
very respectfully declined the honor, though I would 
have liked the thing very much, had it been prudent for 
me to have gone. Has Mrs. Taylor recovered? Make my 
respects to her. Farewell. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Page 29 


Georgetown, October 4th, 1807. 

Brother Tom: 

Your favors of this day week, and of the first inst. 
were received within a day or two of due course. I thank 
you for them both, and I more especially thank you for 
the communication which the latter contained. It is on a 
useful point which has been suffered too long to pass un¬ 
noticed. The paragraph is well written and needed no 
grammatical correction. I have, however, altered two or 
three words. “Sad” is a word to which I have an invin¬ 
cible dislike, though good writers sometimes use it. I 
have substituted “mournful”. I have also changed that 
part relative to the Chief Justice’s opinion, to embrace 
all his opinions. They are all correct. I have also printed 
it and put it on the compositor’s file, so that on Wednes¬ 
day next you will be an author. I shall feel much grati¬ 
fied in a continuation of the correspondence. It will be 
useful to me, and both amusing and profitable to you. 

I am very sorry for the disappointment in the type. 
I suppose, though, Lower could not help it. It has been 
so long the habit of the Federalist to promise much and 
perform little that every additional breach of promise 
tends to sink it in the public confidence. But I will not 
begin without the new letter, it will be better to let all 
the contemplated improvements on the paper appear at 
once, it will appear the more striking and will more fully 
catch the public attention. Meanwhile keep an eye on 
Lower so that I may be able to issue on the 24th at the 
farthest, but on the 21st if possible. 

I shall take tomorrow morning stage for Franklin 
County. I am induced to do this principally on account 
of my health, which has been far from good for a long 
time. If my type had been ready, I should, however, have 
let my health take its chance, but as 1 cannot now begin 
my paper for two or three weeks and as I am perfectly 
idle, Mr. Rind having now hands enough without me, and 
as I will be very closely confined during the whole ses¬ 
sion of Congress, I have concluded to indulge myself in 
the relaxation. I will return on Tuesday the 13th instant, 
when I will expect to hear from you. I shall reach Green 


Page 30 


Castle on Tuesday afternoon and Mercersburg that even¬ 
ing or the next morning. I heard Bronson was to be mar¬ 
ried Tuesday evening but am not sure. 

I have letters from different quarters giving me en¬ 
couragement, but do not find that my subscription list 
increases fast. It would have been much in my favor to 
have commenced a month sooner. 

I hope the ride will be of service to Sister. I am 
pleased to hear that Mrs. Taylor is recovered. Make my 
respects to her and other friends. 

Your brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 




Georgetown, December 9th, 1807. 

Brother Thomas: 

I received your letter of the 3rd on Tuesday night, 
and would have answered it on Saturday, but that was 
the return night of my fever. As I had strong hopes it 
was broken, I put off writing until Sunday that I might 
give you the information. The fever however, returned 
with much greater violence than in any former instance 
and on Sunday I was confined to bed. Monday and yes¬ 
terday I was engaged at the House, and last night I had 
the fever again very violently. Today I set out for the 
House, but was obliged to stop on the way, where for 
want of a hack to return, I was detained almost the whole 
day. I say for want of a hack, for I am now so reduced, 
that I cannot walk 100 yards at a slow pace without sit¬ 
ting down on a door step to rest. I have for sometime 
been taking Mercury, and in consequence of which my 
mouth is very sore, but it has not stopped the fever. I 
have not for more than two weeks eaten as much as you 
have seen me eat at one dinner, and my stomach has now 
become so irritable that almost nothing will lie on it ex¬ 
cept porter. It is ruinous to all my hopes. 

You fear one of mv letters has miscarried. I know 


Page 31 


not when I wrote you last, but believe it must have been 
near three weeks ago. 

I cannot compare notes with Macguire, because he 
takes no notes, or very general one of debates. Besides 
we have no time for it. If I had my health, I can beat 
any of them reporting. At present I cannot report. I am 
completely- 




Georgetown, June 2nd, 1808. 

Brother Tom: 

Mr. Templeman, in whose family I live, will hand you 
this. He wishes to have a deposition taken in your place, 
and being a stranger there, he desired me to name to him 
two persons to act as Commissioners. I have named your¬ 
self and friend Agnew who I doubt not will willingly 
dedicate an hour to the accommodation of a stranger and 
the furtherance of justice. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 




Georgetown, July 5th, 1808. 

Brother Tom: 

Enclosed you will find $50.00, which Mr. Rind de¬ 
sires me to forward and requests you will have paper to 
the amount sent on as speedily as possible. Try and have 
one bundle at all event forwarded by the first stage. 

Tomorrow I may have occasion to borrow $60.00 or 
$70.00 of you for a few days. I hope to pay you the type 
money and all other. It is probable Saturday’s paper 
will appear in my name and be my property. There will 
be no paper tomorrow. 

In haste. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Page 32 



Washington, August 6th, 1808. 


Brother Tom: 

I enclose you $200 and hope in all next week to send 
you as much more. I wish you would send me the amount 
of what I owe you, including the last fall’s type, as well 
as the amount of what Rind may owe you, if any, for I 
know not. 

I wrote you some days ago, desiring you to send me 
some paper by stage, and to engage me some by water. 
I have not heard from you since, and if paper does not 
come tomorrow night, I am ruined. 

Friend May tells me Lower has a fount of elegant 
long primer. As you know he is a good judge, I wish you 
would procure it for me, and send it on by stage. It is 
heavier than I absolutely require, but as it would be some 
time before another could be cast, I have concluded to 
take it, and it is probable I can sell a small fount I now 
have, which will more than cover the difference. I en¬ 
close a note for that purpose at 60 days, which I hope you 
will endorse, I feel confident I can meet it. 

The committee have a little deceived me. They did 
not procure as much money as they promised, and left 
it for myself to collect, which, having contracted with 
Rind, I was obliged to accept of, though if I had known 
it beforehand I would not have contracted in it. I shall 
however, be able to get through. If you have not con¬ 
tracted for paper yet, say only 20 reams, to send by water 
if you think it can be got hereafter, because for I wish not 
to incur more than I can meet in probability. 

I pray you if you have forwarded no paper, to do it 
immediately as I cannot publish on Tuesday. I have not 
time to write as particularly as I wish. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


£3 

Washington, January 25th, 1812. 

Brother Thamas: 

I received yours of the 23rd last night. 

On the first subject of your inquiries I can say noth¬ 
ing with certainty. I attend but little to the political 


Page 33 


workings of the day, and mix but little with members of 
Congress. I should, however, suppose that there is but 
little doubt that additional duties will be laid on foreign 
goods, for should there even not be a war, the expenses 
now voted and which must for sometime continue, will 
require an increased revenue. This, I have no doubt, 
would be the first part of Mr. G.’s financial scheme that 
would be adopted, because the most unpopular part, and 
because there rages at present a mighty mania in favor 
of domestic manufactures. I should not be afraid to 
speculate on the strength of the opinion, but as General 
Laycock tells me, you have addressed him on the same 
subject, he will probably give you more full and certain 
information. 

The supplying of the 25,000 men will not be given to 
one person. The country is divided into districts of 
States, parts of States, and sometimes—ports. Separate 
proposals are then received for the supply of all troops 
that may within the year be stationed, marched or re¬ 
cruited within the year in the bounds of such district, or 
at such port. The contract is never given to a favorite, 
or through favor, so far as I know and believe; nor is it 
always given to the lowest bidder, but to the lowest bid¬ 
der who can give satisfactory bail for the performance of 
his contract. The contracts are entered into in November, 
and go into operation in the first part of June, next, 
thereafter. Thus, last November contracts were made for 
the supply of all the troops of the United States then 
raised or that might thereafter be raised, from the first 
of June, 1812, until May 31st, 1813, inclusive, and next 
November contracts will be made for the ensuing year. 

It is impossible to say at what price a man could 
safely offer to furnish rations. It depends on the part of 
the country they are to be issued in, the present price of 
provisions, their probable rise or fall in price, and the 
probable amount of issues at any one point. The expense 
of issuing to a few troops is almost as great as to a large 
number, I mean the incidental expenses of agents, etc. 
A good contract well managed is very profitable, but there 
are so many after it that the price of rations has been re- 


Page 34 


duced very low, though, I believe the present year’s con¬ 
tract is likely to prove profitable provided provisions do 
not take a considerable rise. Parker of Carlisle is con¬ 
tractor for the eastern, and Dennis of Pittsburg for the 
western part of Pennsylvania. More contractors have 
failed than have made money. If you want any further 
information, more in detail, I shall willingly offer it. 

Your brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 

W 

Georgetown, July 31st, 1813. 

Brother Thomas: 

On Tuesday evening next it is my intention to be 
united in holy bonds of wedlock to Miss H. C. Dargen, 
and I had resolved on setting out the next morning to 
pay you a visit, but late last night, I heard that you were 
greatly alarmed by the British, and that your citizens 
were flying in all directions. If this be true, our pro¬ 
posed visit would be altogether unexpedient. On the con¬ 
trary, you had better visit us, or if you cannot come your¬ 
self send Sister and the little ones. We can give them 
good quarters, safe protection and more than a hearty 
welcome. By the bye, even if this be not the case, I should 
be very glad to have yourself and Sister at the wedding, 
thought I ought to have told you so sooner. The truth is, 
that the thought never popped into my brain until three 
minutes ago, and what kept it out I am sure I cannot tell. 
I can only wonder at it. But this, I hope, makes no dif¬ 
ference between us. If both or either of you can come, I 
am sure you will waive all formality and not stand on 
points of etiquette with a man who never for two minutes 
together thought of them, and a brother who loves you 
both. Let us make an arrangement of expedience and not 
of ceremony. If your town be tranquil and your family 
well and at home, I should rather visit you now as I shall 
be at leisure next week, and you, I hope will pay us a 
visit at time when the city is likely to present a scene of 
greater interest and variety, say next fall after the COm- 


Page 35 


inencement of the session. If Baltimore be agitated by 
alarm, or if your family be still unwell, send them imme¬ 
diately here, and come yourself if you can. Whether they 
arrive before the wedding or after the wedding, send them. 
Show this letter to Sister, and let her decide according to 
her sound discretion and w^rite me by return of mail, for 
there is no time to lose. 

I shall probably hear more from Baltimore today 
and tomorrow. Should it be tranquil and likely to con¬ 
tinue so, and I should not hear from you, I shall go on. 
If it should be in confusion, or threatened with immediate 
attack, or you will promise to come on, I shall make my 
arrangements to stay where I am. 

My little friend is very unwell today, and I am not 
much better. 

In great haste, 

Your affectionate brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Georgetown, June 11th, 1814. 

Brother Thomas: 

I had thus long omitted writing because I had noth¬ 
ing definite to say, nothing specific to propose. Before I 
received your last letter, I had written to brother William 
and did not hear from him for some time. He entirely 
disapproved of the Harrisburgh project and I have 
abandoned it. I had also written to Lucas, who has my 
full friendship, respect and confidence, making known to 
him my desire to change and present employment and 
place of resident, at all events the latter, and requesting 
information respecting the probability of forming a book 
and printing establishment in some of the towns of North 
Carolina. I lately received a long letter from him, an 
extract from which I enclose, that you may have the more 
correct knowledge of his views. Before it was received 
I had heard that the contract for doing the printing of 
the General Post Office was about to expire, and that a 
new one was to be formed. I had always known this to 


Page 36 


be lucrative business and on inquiry found it to be more 
so than I had imagined. I immediately offered proposals 
for the contract and have since been awaiting an answer, 
which will be given next week. Should I succeed in this, 
I shall not think of leaving the district, as it is better than 
anything I could promise myself elsewhere, except the 
Federal Gazette. It is worth at the lowest and bevond 

t/ 

doubt at the terms I have proposed (and they are greatly 
under the former) $3000.00 a year, and there is nothing 
to prevent my doing any other work that can be obtained. 
I am not, however, very sanguine in my expectations 
of success, because I have many competitors, and 
some of them such as have claims, or imagine they have 
claims on the party. If I fail I think I shall endeavor to 
locate myself during the autumn to the southward. Not 
that I think either of Lucas’ plans legible even for a tem¬ 
porary arrangement, but I think I can unite two of them, 
that of the Star and the Academy. I am perfectly capable 
of discharging both duties at the same time and the two 
salaries united would do very well as a present certainty. 
If I cannot effect this union, which I can soon know, 
I must turn my attention to some other point, or some 
other business. I am anxious for some change of place, 
for here I am encumbered by a weight which I can neither 
throw off nor sustain. 

Whichever of these things may be done, I shall want 
pecuniary aid. If I get the printing for the General Post 
Office I must be enabled to procure an office immediately, 
which, for that business alone, would cost not more than 
$500, but I should like to be prepared for other work, 
which would acquire an office worth $800 or $1000. I 
would besides want $400 to pay some debts that are 
peculiarly irksome and mortifying, but this I could do 
without if so much could not be conveniently spared. 
Should I go southward, my furniture here I believe would 
fully settle all my business and I should want no 
assistance except what would be necessary to procure me 
some furniture and give me a little start. Hereafter, if 
my prospects should open, I might want aid to improve 
them. 

You have generously, voluntarily said you would 

Page 37 


assist me, and it is therefore certain you will do it. But 
I presume money is not always immediately at your com¬ 
mand, and I do not wish to increase the obligation by 
calling on you at an inconvenient time. When will it be 
convenient for you to make me any advances? Should I 
fortunately succeed in the post office business I would 
want at least $500, or a credit to that amount im¬ 
mediately, but should like to have from $1200 to $1500 
within the autumn. Should I go to the southward I would 
want none until October, as my family will not be in a 
traveling condition until then. I do not know what sum 
I may then require. I should think not more than $500. 
It would, however, be a great accommodation to me, it 
would release me from much unpleasant feeling, if you 
would let me have say $400 now instead of then, but in 
this I would have you consult your own convenience. Let 
me hear from you. I shall write you the moment Meigs 
decides. 

Jane’s situation must have been most awful from 
the time the tongue broke. It was a most lamentable dis¬ 
aster, yet had on the whole a most providential termina¬ 
tion. 

I hear that your family were all well a day or two 
ago. Mine are so. My old friend, Nathan, could sell no 
horses here. I do not believe he will-. 

13 

Georgetown, July 29th, 1814. 

Brother Thomas: 

I have returned safe from an expedition down the 
river. We were discharged on Tuesday evening. We 
did not see the enemy. At our last advance there was 
no force above Blackstone’s Island in the Potomac, in 
the Patuxent they were about the mouth. They will thus 
continue to harass us all the summer and if it be true that 
Cochrane has arrived with 6000 troops we shall most 
inevitably have a visit from them. We are not prepared 
to repel half that number of well appointed veterans, and 
there are many important works to draw them here, the 
Navy Yard, the Capitol and other public buildings, the 


Page 38 



foundry and several hundred, say from four to five hun¬ 
dred, pieces of cannon. I do not think they will destroy 
private property if not fired on from the houses, but a 
great deal of our population seem to think it must be 
done. If so, they will burn and destroy all before them. 
My plan is to meet them below the eastern branch, and 
oppose them with all the force we can muster, dispute 
every inch of ground and if over powered by superior 
numbers and discipline, then make the best terms w r e can. 
If they should be able to obtain a footing in the town re- 
sistace would be vain in itself, unprofitable to the country 
and ruinous to ourselves. I should be well pleased to get 
away, but cannot now. Henrietta expects very soon to 
be confined and until after her recovery, I can do nothing. 
I know not well wdiat I can do then. James has not yet 
answered my last letter, where I inquired whether the 
two duties of teacher and editor could not be blended. 

These are holidays at present, and I should go on to 
see you but for Henrietta’s situation. This forbids it. 
When I opened a boarding school last fall I borrowed 
from one of the banks $250.00. They now require it to 
be returned. The note will be due the 21st of August. 
From the $4.00—of a teacher’s books there is but little 
prospect of raising it. Can you help me to the whole or 
part by that time? Let me know as soon as possible, that 
I may make other arrangements. If you get me over this 
I shall want nothing more until I am about making some 
permanent arrangement. I have the furniture which I 
purchased with the money and could now spare it, but I 
should dislike selling a part. When about to remove I 
shall sell the whole. Besides cash sales are always made 
at a great discount. The boarding school was an unprofit¬ 
able business. We have now no boarders, and the day 
school partly from the warm weather and partly from 
an opposition school lately established, has very much 
diminished within the past six weeks. I have now not 60 
scholars, then more than SO. 

I shall advertise my land for sale in tomorrow’s 
paper. I have written to Judge Bond to know whether I 
can have any assistance from Dr. J. estate, but have not 


Page 39 


had an answer. I wish to make every effort in my power 
to effect some change in my place and pursuits by the 
first of October. I can sell my school and furniture and 
the—to the school for $150.00. Henrietta is pretty well, 
and sends her love to yourself, sister and the children. 
Let mine be joined. Good morning. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


V 

Georgetown, December 24th, 1814. 

Brother Thomas: 

I have never written you on the subject of the late 
change in our political prospects, because, from my re¬ 
tired mode of life, I had but little opportunity of gaining 
knowledge. The vague, uncertain misshapen—of the day 
was all I could have given you, and I feared to say 
anything, lest I might mislead you in things of great mo¬ 
ment to you. In consequence, however, of your letter of 
John, expressing a desire that I should endeavor to give 
you some information on the probable course of political 
events, I have made use of the limited sources of informa¬ 
tion within my control, and have come to the following, 
not conclusions, but conjectures. First, on the general 
subject of a peace, I believe the administration feel them¬ 
selves contrained to seek a peace on almost any terms 
they may find themselves able to obtain it. I am pretty 
certain, though I do not know that I could prove it in 
open court, that Clay has said, There must be peace, that 
it would be an honorable one, but not such as the United 
States would or ought to wish for, and a mercantile 
friend be advised to dispose of his stock on hand as soon 
as possible. The truth is, the administration, after bluster¬ 
ing and swaggering, have like many a bully I have known, 
been fairly beaten till they are obliged to cry “Enough” 
and knowing that a peace an any terms will prove offen¬ 
sive to some of the party, and the peace they will be 
obliged to accept, unpopular with a large portion of it, 
they have selected Clay as a reformation, hoping the 
influence of his name may be a sedative to the passions of 


Page 40 


Kentucky, a—to her wounds, and a compensation for her 
blood which has so gallantly though so foolishly flowed, 
John Davis, though not a man of great literature or 
science, is withal a shrewd, knowing man. He has oppor¬ 
tunities of knowledge, and too attention to let them pass 
by without deriving profit from them. He told me in 
a private and friendly conversation that he had not a 
doubt that a peace would be concluded on some terms or 
other, during the ensuing summer. 

On the subject of a previous armistice, I know not 
what to say. If any arrangements have been made for 
one, or if it be even at present contemplated, I am ignorant 
of it. Yet I should think there was a strong probability 
in favor of such a measure. It is unnecessary to go into 
detailed reasoning to show this probability. Grant, that 
both nations are now anxious for a peace, and I believe 
so, the thing follows, of course, for why should they wish 
to destroy human life, and to continue the miseries of 
war, when all prospects of national advantage have 
vanished? The probability is strengthened by the situa¬ 
tion of our military and financial departments. 

I am but a little skilled in these matters, but had I 
West India or European goods, I should like at present 
to part from them. East Indian goods cannot be so much 
affected by a peace, the stock on hand is no more or little 
more than necessary for the supply of the nation, until 
fresh importations can be effected. 

It has become quite dark, Adieu. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


V 

Legonier House, Pa., March 20, 1815. 
Brother Thomas: 

Of late years, I have become so inattentive to corre¬ 
spondence, that I never write save when some business 
clamorously demands it. Hence I have, for a long time, 
left you unadvised of my business and prospects. Think¬ 
ing it high time to correct the procedure “I sit down this 
good Sunday morning to scribble something as Burns says 
Must clean aff coz\” 


Page 41 


I commenced my trade of gin selling on the first of 
the month, I was then but ill prepared, but am getting 
things as Derby says, “snug and comfortable about me.” 
There has been very little traveling yet this spring, com¬ 
paratively none. I get a share of what little is going. 
Going up, no decent man passes the house, coming down 
some few do. This is caused by a report some time ago 
circulated westerly that Ramsey had quit, and that the 
stand was abandoned. The contradiction has not yet 
reached every ear, but soon will. Had I expected that 
our abused land was so soon to be smiling under the 
auspices of “Heaven born” peace I would not have been 
here. I know not exactly what I should have done but 
my “demonstration” would certainly have been made in 
a different quarter and by different means. But it has 
been ordered otherwise and I must only make the best of 
things as they are. Old Adams you know told the Cham- 
bersburg patriots of his day that it was “unmanly to 
murmur, and unchristian to repine.” Yet, if the agency of 
those hags Clotho, Atropos, and Lachesis, had not passed 
long since I should have supposed they were busied in 
weaving the thread of my life into a tanglet net. 

The most vexatious and mortifying circumstance that 
is met with is the difficulty, or rather the impossibility of 
procuring help in the kitchen. The girls here are too 
poor to live at home; too proud to live out; too lazy to 
work and too ignorant to be worth anything. 

Henrietta has to work servilely, laboriously and in¬ 
cessantly and unless I can effect some better arrangement 
than now exists, I feel certain her constitution must sink 
under it. To go out and buy negroes I dislike on many 
accounts. I can not afford the risk, and I hate to own 
such property. Could you hire me in Baltimore one or 
two free negro women? One, strong and active, to do the 
heavy work of the kitchen, the other young, active and 
sprightly for a chambermaid. I would give the first $50 
a year and the latter $50, besides I would allow them $10 
apiece to bring them out which is sufficient coming with 
a wagon and living cheaply. But I fear the good ones 
can all find places there. 


Page 42 


Please ask sister about this. In our winter journey- 
ings both Henrietta and her mother took violent colds. 
They were unusually inflammatory and of great duration. 
They were both seriously ill, but are now better. Not¬ 
withstanding all this our boy (Charles) grows well, has 
fine health and abundance of animal spirits and a most 
fortunate exemption from crossness. He is a very clever 
fellow so far but I fear he has no strong indication of 
brains. I think he has too much beef about his ears; but 
his mother does not believe a word of it. 

I have a ticket No. 23092 in the Board of Health Lot¬ 
tery of New York. It is warranted, undrawn the sixth 
day, since which I have heard nothing of the matter. Let 
me know its fate. The mail arrives here once a week. 
Letters deposited at your office in time for Tuesday 
morning’s mail will reach me Saturday morning. 

Your brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 

To Thomas Findlay. 


V 

Legonier House, February 3rd, 1816. 
Brother Thomas: 

Since my last letter I have again visited Pittsburgh. 
I was induced to make it from information that a suitable 
tavern house could be obtained,. I devoted four days of 
diligent inquiry to the search, and ascertained that there 
was not one to be had, except Gibson’s. That could be 
obtained but on terms beyond my means, and far beyond 
the limits prescribed by prudence. I have, therefore, 
abandoned all hope of establishing myself there, at least 
for a time. 

On my return home I provisionally contracted for 
Drum’s house, Greensburg. I am not yet fast bound to 
take it, but must conclude within a few days and presume 
I must take it as I see no other earthly thing which I can 
do. The prospects of making a fortune in it are not very 
bright, yet I think some money is to be made. The present 


Page 43 


tenant has cleared about $1500 a year and does not well 
understand his trade. That I can and will keep a better 
house than he will not admit of a doubt, but whether I 
will clear as much money remains to be tried. 

I wrote sometime ago to James for assistance, but 
have had no answer. If he does not assist pretty liberally 
I shall be unable to commence on a decent scale, and do 
not wish to commence on any other. If, however, he can 
send me some money, and I can obtain a bank credit for 
some more, I will try it. If I cannot get started, here, 
I know not what will become of me. Removed elsewhere, 
if I have not capital enough to establish a tavern, I must 
then pursue something where personal exertion alone un¬ 
aided by capital may support my family. I know noth¬ 
ing but teaching that would do this, and there is no- 

for a school near me. Greensburg and Pittsburg are both 
occupied, and the little country villages will scarcely sup¬ 
port a single man above mendicity. I must very soon 
determine on some course, and there is none that presents 
brightly gilded with the radiance of hope. 

Mr. Van Lear spent a day with us on his way to the 
westward. He was in good health. Mr. Beatty was here 
on Wednesday night, also in good health. He would 
probably overtake Mr. Van Lear in Pittsburgh. 

My family are well. Charles is indeed a good deal 
fretful from teething, but is not very ill. What do you 
call your young son? 

I have twice or three times requested you to let me 
know the fate of ticket number 23092 in the New York 
Board of Health Lottery. I have not yet heard from you. 
I wish you would inquire at once of the Lottery Office and 
let me know. 

When in Pittsburgh, finding I could not suit myself 
in a home, I suggested to some gentleman of respectabil¬ 
ity, a project for a newspaper to be published twice a 
week, thinking the population and business of the place 
would support one, and thinking also the novelty and 
boldness of the attempt might recommend it to the public 
attention. I had not, however, even a whisper of encour¬ 
agement. All pronounced it impossible to succeed. I do 


Page 44 



not yet fully accord with them, but it would be foolish in 
me to be making expensive experiment in the face of public 
opinion. 

Has your neighbor Worley made money enough, or 
has he any desire to quit the business? I presume it is a 
money-gathering stand. I really know not whither or to 
what to direct my attention. I am sometimes like the tall 
son of Kish “struck by the chill and spirit quenching 
hand of blank despair.” 

Very affectionately do I desire to be remembered to 
my good Sister Nancy. 

Your brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 

Write me soon. 


Georgetown, May 2nd, 1816. 

Brother Thomas: 

By the last mail I was favored with your letter of 
the 24th ult. covering extracts from two letters of M. L. 
Finley to you, for which I thank you. By the preceding 
mail I had received a letter from James enclosing one 
from friend Finley to him on the same subject, and ex¬ 
pressing the same opinion, though not quite so much at 
large. Without a moment’s loss of time, I addressed a 
letter to Mr. Finley, thanking him for his friendly offers, 
and requesting some information as to price, terms, pro¬ 
ceeds, etc., of the establishment. I now await an answer. 

The offer which now invites my acceptance seems 
to be, at least in a pecuniary point of view, very per¬ 
suasive. More than 10 years ago, when I was in Orleans, 
the establishment was a very lucrative one though in the 
hands of a man of no talents. He was, however, a good 
patient drudge. I suppose the profits must have annually 
increased, or at all events unless the Orleans papers 
have greatly improved since I was in the habit of receiving 
them, it would be no difficult task to give to it com¬ 
parative celebrity. But however tempting it may be in 
his point of view, there are others in which it is less in- 


Page 45 


viting. In the whole of our widely extended domains, 
there is no State more unfriendly to health or the rearing 
of children than Orleans. The climate and my constitu¬ 
tion are as ill suited as climate and constitution can well 
be. So bilious is my habit, and so predisposed my system, 
to take on inflammatory action that I have escaped but 
a single summer within the last 14 years from an attacK. 
I am well aware that wherever we may be located by 
chance, or called by duty, the number of our days is in 
the hands of the Almighty, but humanly speaking I 
should feel little probability of surviving in Orleans a 
single summer. 

But supposing the reluctance accruing from this— 
overcome, for I should overcome it, I do not see that the 
object falls within the reach of my means. The fruit 
which tempts me appears beyond my grasp. It is a pur¬ 
pose which cannot be effected without money and money 
I cannot command. I cannot even have this until I effect 
a sale of lands, and of this I see no probability, though I 
have them advertised. But suppose to be out of debt 
here and safely landed at Orleans, think you that such 
an establishment is to be bought without money? Sup¬ 
posing it were bought, how is money to be raised to carry 
on the establishment until returns would begin to flow 
in? Could all these difficulties be surmounted, or ob¬ 
stacles removed and should the price of the paper appear 
reasonable, I shall remove to Orleans in the fall, but I do 
not see that it is to be expected. Sooner than fall, I could 
not go, for my family will not sooner be in a moving state. 

You regret, you say, my having left Ligonier, until 
some more promising plan could have been devised. My 
remaining would have every day made any such plan 
more difficult as I was every day sinking money. In a 
former letter you express your astonishment at this, and 
seem to think it impossible, as my home had a good name, 
etc. It had a good name, was kept with economy, and yet 
did not support itself. I kept but one boy for hostling, 
provision hunting, wood chopping and everything else, 
so that besides being always landlord and barkeeper, I 
was occasionally waiter, butler, chopper, fire-maker my- 

Page 46 


self. Mrs. F. kept but two girls, sometimes but one, and 
labored incessantly herself, from daylight in the morning 
till night and frequently till midnight. Yet we sank 
money. It arose from the enormous price to which pro¬ 
visions had risen, there as well as of wages and its being 

an-distance for a night stand. My rent instead of being 

low, as I had calculated on, proved enormous. But when 
I went there I did no^expect to clear anything or much, 
by the tavern, but you will recollect the war continued 
when I removed thither, and no prospect dawned of an 
early peace. I therefore calculated on making a good deal 
on the Colonel’s flock of sheep, but peace came immediately 
after and sheep have ceased to be an object of profit. 
I also expected to establish salt works, which every one 
then supposed to be of all ways to wealth the shortest. 
Peace reduced the price of salt. I met with difficulties 
which delav me a time, when I became convinced that salt 
works are more dangerous things to meddle with than I 
had imagined. I fear they will not end well. Another 
part of my plan was to take goods there if I could get 
them. From this I was deterred by the unsettled state of 
business and my want of confidence in myself to manage 
in a time of difficulty. I was perhaps to timid. I be¬ 
lieve money might have been made in this way. I am 
sure goods could have been sold, but I could not screw my 
courage to the sticking place. 

I do not expect to more than make a living here at 
my present business. I only intend it as a safe station 
from which to look out for something better. 

With brotherly attachment, I am 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Greensburg, September 10th, 1816. 

Brother Thomas: 

Early last spring I wrote two letters to Marshall 
Finley, respecting the L. Gazette. I never received an 
answer until a few days ago. His calculations of future 
for me must have been made rather in the spirit of good 


Page 47 



wishes than sound judgment. It appears that the paper 
barely supports itself. He thinks I could raise its repu¬ 
tation and thus make it profitable. This would be a 
hazardous experiment. To renovate a declining paper is 
among the most difficult of human tasks. I once under¬ 
took, I shall never do so again. Even in its best days, 
during Mowry's lifetime it was much less lucrative than 
I had supposed it to be. The view which hope had seemed 
to open is closed. I must look out elsewhere. Like 
millions first—“I have all the world before me where to 
chose my place of rest.” Be Providence my Guide. 

A few weeks since Henrietta made me a present of a 
little boy, I might rather say a big boy, for he is of goodly 
size. We have called him James. He thrives well. 

Charles is small but active and sprightly, and seems 
to have tolerable capacity for one of his age. He is now 
beside me, giving as Paddy did his drum, a most terrible 
beating. I cannot say that he has any attachment for 
you, but he has an extraordinary one for your name. 
Every one whom he does not know and every being that 
his whim chooses to convert into a doll, even an ear of 
corn, he calls Thomas. 

My school here is much the largest and at much the 
highest price of any here. Its reputation is bringing 
scholars from a distance. It is now worth about $1100.00 
a year. This is, however, a poor business were a better 
to offer. I do not know the reason of it, but I never had 
the luck or the skill to manage anything beyond a school 
successfully. The people here recommended me to the 
Governor for the appointment of Notary Public. The 
bank business alone, which I could have done of evenings, 
is worth about $200.00 a year. This would help me a 
little, but William to whom I forwarded the papers thinks 
it inexpedient to present them. I do not see that it could 
injure him, but I must submit. 

I hear you have sent an establishment to the- 

River with a view of participating in the cotton trade. 
If you should think of sending one to the upper Missis¬ 
sippi with a view to the fur and lead trade, I should like 
to have a hand in it; that is, if you think me fit to manage 

Page 48 



it. I have no great faith in myself in business, but that 
seems to me a kind of business I could manage. We are 
all well. Henrietta sends her affectionate regards to 
Sister and yourself. 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


13 

Chariton, Mo., July 3rd, 1819. 

Dear Brother: 

Yesterday’s mail brought me two of your favors under 
date of the 13th and 23rd of May, respectively. The 
latter, which informs me of the effect which the present 
confirmed state of the Commercial world has produced 
on your personal affairs, was read with heartfelt regret 
and heartfelt sympathy. It drew tears from a source 
whence they never flowed before, on any occasion since 
the death of our beloved Sister Nancy. After so long 
a struggle so zealously urged, faithfully maintained such 
a termination is in every way to be lamented. It mars 
those fond hopes and calculations which parental affection 
delights to indulge itself in, and mortifies that honest 
and laudable pride, which seeks an exemption from 
dependence, and which loves to form for itself a 
wider sphere of usefulness, yet after all, it teaches a 
wholesome moral lesson which I have no need to point 
out to you, worth more perhaps than the price it costs. 

But though your losses must have been great and 
though your mortifications from your habitual feelings 
and principles must be extreme, yet all is not lost nor 
hope extinct, though deferred. You have still left to you 
even though you should be disappointed in surplus which 
you expect to remain to you, your health, your compara¬ 
tive youth, your experience, your habits of industry, your 
knowledge of business and men, your family to stimulate 
you to exertion, and what is above all, you have, I am 
confident, yet left unsullied your character. With these 
in the blooming, growing west, you may soon retrieve 
past misfortunes and ere two years enjoy the “glorious 
knowledge of being independent.” If your affairs should 

Page 49 


wind up as you expect I shall greatly rejoice. You will 
be left in the possession of more than sufficient fund to 
establish yourself in our country to advantage. If, from 
your connection with other persons, all should be taken, 
if I do not greatly mistake, I shall have enough for both, 
and whatever I have is yours, at least the free use, the 
full enjoyment, and if necessary the entire property of a 
moiety of it shall be yours. This would be nothing more 
than gratitude would demand of me, but it is not so much 
gratitude as brotherly affection would prompt me. If I 
know myself, I have not a brother of five that I would not 
aid to the full extent of my means, and my attachment to 
you is not the weakest among the number. I am not in 
the possession of active and transmissible funds at present, 
you do not expect it, on the contrary, I am limited in 
m 3 7 cash means. The strong pillar of my hopes in that 
way was snatched from under me, but notwithstanding 
this I have been very successful here, and though I do not 
possess enough to make us both rich, I do possess enough 
to, if I do not greatly over-rate its value, give us both a 
fair start, and by industry and economy to enable us to 
provide for our families in comfort. Come, then, as soon 
as your affairs will permit you, with your amiable and in¬ 
teresting group and join us here. It was but a wilderness 
as yesterday, it will now be a blooming garden. Come 
and avail yourself of the advantages which this won- 
derous country present to your industry and enterprise. 
Come where, whether with or without wealth, you will be 
hailed with joy and gladness by me and by my wife, 
whose joys and griefs and sympathies are ever the same 
with mine. 

Before this time I expect Sister will have received a 
letter from me on the route best to be pursued, the State 
of Society, etc. This letter I hastily scribbled to avail 

myself of an-hand to the St. Louis. I shall write you 

on the other subjects of your letter in a few days. 

Henrietta joins me, and feelingly joins me, in affec¬ 
tionate remembrances to Sister and the little ones. 

Your ever affectionate brother, 

Jonathan S. Findlay. 


Page 50 



The investment for Rebecca shall be faithfully and 
scrupulously made. It has not been in my power hereto¬ 
fore. The good lands in this district sold high. It may be 
better down in the Crooked River district which will come 
on in the fall, it is expected. 


















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